| Author | Message | | Guest | | Posted: Sun Dec 15, 2002 7:53 am Post subject: The Threat of "Transfer" in Israel and Palestine |
| In the Shadow of War: Iraq, Israel and Palestine
(Middle East Report 225, Winter 2002)
Living on the Edge
The Threat of "Transfer" in Israel and Palestine
Robert Blecher
[The Middle East Research and Information Project congratulates
Robert Blecher, winner of the 2002 Philip Shehadi Award for new
writers. The award was established in memory of Philip Shehadi, a
Middle East Report contributing editor killed while reporting from
Algiers in 1991.]
The transfer of the Palestinians has begun. Piling their furniture
and personal belongings into a truck, the last residents of Yanoun
abandoned their West Bank village on October 18, 2002. "Our life
here is more bitter than hell," said one villager, lamenting years
of attacks, recently intensified, from Israeli settlers living
nearby. Over the past months, rampaging bands had smashed windows,
destroyed water tanks, burned the village's electric generator,
stolen sheep, beaten villagers and shot at workers in the fields.(1)
The Israeli government implicitly endorsed this act of ethnic
cleansing, failing to return the Palestinians to their homes, or
even to condemn the settlers' aggression verbally. To the contrary,
in Yanoun as elsewhere, the police and army have sided openly with
the marauding settlers. Five village men subsequently returned to
the village with the help of peace activists, but it is unclear how
long they will be able to hold out.(2)
"Transfer," the euphemism referring to expulsion of Palestinians
from Israel-Palestine, enjoys more legitimacy today than it has
since 1948, the year of the state of Israel's creation and the first
Arab-Israeli war. For many decades, Jewish Israelis declined to
speak publicly about the underside of the 1948 war: Israel's
responsibility for creating 750,000 Palestinian refugees, whose
descendants have yet to be repatriated or compensated. In the early
1980s, Rabbi Meir Kahane, the far-right leader of the Kach Party,
broke the taboo by promoting the eviction of Palestinians from
Israel and the Occupied Territories, but in 1988 his party was
banned as racist and anti-democratic. The idea of evicting the
Palestinians found new life in Rehevam Ze'evi's Moledet Party.
Ze'evi, a product of the mainstream Labor Party, explicitly cited
the war of 1948 as a precedent for his agenda. Ironically, Ze'evi's
version of Zionist history agreed with that advanced by
Israel's "new historians," who during the same period compiled
detailed evidence of Israel's responsibility for the Palestinian
refugee problem. Ze'evi celebrated this history, while the "new
historians" offered a more critical appraisal, yet both found
themselves accused of distorting "authentic" Zionist history.
In the wake of the 1993 Oslo accords, however, concern over the fate
of the Jewish state brought transfer into the Israeli mainstream.
Especially since the outbreak of the current intifada, moments of
Palestinian dispossession -- 1948 in particular -- have been openly
invoked as models for quelling Palestinian resistance. At no point
since the establishment of the state has there been so ambient an
understanding of the Zionist movement's role in evicting the
Palestinians. Two years into the intifada, with the Israeli army
unable to defeat the Palestinian uprising decisively, the call
to "let the army win" has morphed into the demand to "finish the
job" begun 55 years ago. The eviction of the Palestinians is no
longer a Zionist heresy but rather the truth of Zionism; ethnic
cleansing is the openly declared history and potential future of the
state. To use a phrase coined by new historian Ilan Pappé,
the "demons of the nakba (the Arabic word referring to the
Palestinian dispossession of 1948)," have returned to haunt Israel.
These "demons" have even seduced the first new historian who exposed
them: Benny Morris recently sang the praises of transfer in the
Guardian.
"Miracle Solution"
As unapologetic awareness of transfer has increased, the notion of
transfer itself has grown more expansive. When Rehavam Ze'evi first
advanced the idea in the 1980s, he advocated the displacement of
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Today, the notion of
transfer has ramified into a variety of forms, including those that
target Palestinians with Israeli citizenship. Politicians on the
Israeli left, center and right agree that the "transfer of
citizenship" offers a solution to the "demographic problem" within
the pre-1967 borders of Israel. As Minister of Infrastructure Effi
Eitam said, "As far as Arabs are concerned, if you don't give them
the right to vote, you don't have a demographic problem."(3)
Yet focusing attention on outlandish statements by right-wing
politicians distorts the extent to which a wide array of Israeli
Jews supports disenfranchising the Palestinians. A substantial
portion of the Israeli public agrees that the very presence of
Palestinians in Israel and the West Bank constitutes a threat to the
future of the Jewish state. In a March 2002 poll administered by Tel
Aviv University, 46 percent of Israeli Jews supported the transfer
of Palestinians from the West Bank and 31 percent advocated the same
treatment for Palestinian citizens of Israel; 60 percent said they
supported "encouraging" Palestinian Israelis to leave Israel; and a
full 80 percent objected to the inclusion of Palestinian Israelis in
decisions of national importance.(4) Many believe that these numbers
underestimate public support for transfer since many Israeli Jews
are embarrassed to admit support for an unethical policy. "The
results of the poll unfortunately reflect the reality I encounter
almost every day," reports Member of Knesset Yuli Edelstein, "I hear
it everywhere, and not just at funerals. The public is in a state of
such distress and dread that any miracle solutions suggested are
immediately welcomed warmly."(5)
The impending war in Iraq could create the conditions for such
a "miracle solution," yet Israel's existing war against the
Palestinians already has made transfer a reality. Thousands of
Palestinians in the West Bank have already been "silently
transferred" as were the residents of Yanoun. Within Israel itself,
racial discrimination is effectively transferring Palestinian
Israelis out of the public sphere. As bombing attacks have turned
Israeli cities into a front in the fighting, urban space has become
a frontier from which Palestinian Israelis are often excluded. On
posters and billboards, in taxi cabs and living rooms, and on radio
and television, ethnic cleansing is advocated not only for
suppressing Palestinian resistance in the Occupied Territories but
also for neutralizing the calls of Palestinian citizens of Israel
for equality. Even if mass deportations never occur, the discussion
of transfer itself constitutes a weight on Israel's Palestinian
citizens, reminding them at every turn that they are but temporary
residents in their own land.
Under Cover of War
While force has always been a prerequisite for Zionist settlement,
regional wars were necessary for Zionists and Israelis to realize
their fantasy of living in "a land without a people." The 1948 War
was only the first step in the process. On the eve of the 1956 Sinai
campaign, the Israeli army drafted plans for the expulsion of
Palestinian Israelis from the area of north-central Israel known as
the Little Triangle.(6) In the 1960s, Ariel Sharon, then a colonel,
ordered his subordinates to investigate how many buses would be
required to transfer 300,000 Palestinians out of northern Israel in
the event of war.(7) Advance planning bore fruit during the 1967
war, when 200,000-300,000 Palestinians fled and were expelled from
the West Bank, some transported in buses marked "Free Passage to
Amman." Others, specifically those in the Latrun area, left on their
own power after being threatened, according to Uzi Narkiss, the head
of Central Command in 1967: "We came in the morning and
said, 'Everybody go to Ramallah…. Afterward, we leveled the villages
and today we have Canada Park there."(8) Now, 35 years after the
occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the threat of two overlapping
wars -- the intifada and Iraq -- hangs over the Palestinians.
During the past two years, the Israeli government has taken
advantage of Palestinian militancy to justify the displacement of
Palestinians within the West Bank and Gaza. Home demolitions,
missile strikes, individual deportations and revocation of residency
and citizenship have on occasion given way to the displacement of
entire neighborhoods. The most infamous example is Jenin, where
entire quarters were razed during Operation Defensive Shield in
April 2002. In Hebron, Palestinian residents and merchants have been
removed from a quarter of the market in order to make room for
Jewish settlers. According to Shlomo Lecker, lawyer for the
displaced residents, this has been done on the pretext of security
needs, although the only incident to mar the tranquility of the
quarter was an arson attack perpetrated by the same settlers that
now occupy the area. The largest planned population transfer to date
targets the hills of the Yatta region, south of Hebron, where the
Israeli government is trying to expel 750 families from their homes.
While the state claims the land for military training zones, Israeli
negotiators' maps reveal that Israel plans to annex the hills of the
Yatta region into a future settlement. The expulsions aim to create
a stretch of "empty" land linking the settlement of Kiryat Arba to
Israel at the southern tip of the West Bank.
The Yatta expulsions are still tied up in court, but the army is
reportedly crafting plans for forced evacuations that will not be
subject to judicial review. These will be justified by declaring
entire areas to be "closed military zones," thereby permitting the
immediate expulsion of the residents "for their own safety."(9) A
less elegant option proposes "creating waves of refugees inside the
territories,"(10) presumably by repeating the tactics employed
during Operation Defensive Shield. In the course of rooting
out "hotbeds of terrorism," the army ordered Palestinians to leave
their homes in Nablus and the Jenin and Balata refugee camps, then
destroyed entire neighborhoods and sent thousands of Palestinians
fleeing. Sharon could use this tactic to implement his "peace plan,"
which calls for concentrating Palestinians into three separate
enclaves comprising no more than 50 percent of the West Bank.
The impending war in Iraq bodes ill for the Palestinians. In the
long term, with the US mimicking Israel's national security policy
in which open aggression passes for legitimate defense, Palestinians
will find themselves in a world in which sovereignty and self-
determination have little meaning. In the short term, the war
promises to diminish international oversight in the Occupied
Territories even further, possibly setting the stage not only for
internal transfer but for mass expulsions as well. In the past, the
US has balked at the prospect of the regional instability that such
a move could invite, yet now, with the US seemingly intent on
reconfiguring the map in the Middle East, the prospect of regional
instability looms regardless of Israeli actions. If King Abdallah of
Jordan totters during the war, or if war breaks out with Syria, the
Israeli government could conclude there will never be another moment
so propitious to settle the conflict with the Palestinians. As Eitam
put it, in a slightly different context, "I can definitely see that
as a consequence of war, not many Arabs will remain here."(11)
Heightened media attention to Israel and Palestine, in combination
with international sensitivity to ethnic cleansing, seems to
militate against such a drastic course. The events of the past two
years, however, belie the notion that documentation of Israeli war
crimes is sufficient to provoke international intervention. Despite
the unanimous agreement of human rights organizations that Israel
has intentionally targeted civilians, Israel, with US support, has
been successful in portraying its actions as a regrettable but
natural consequence of war. As Deputy Defense Minister Weizman Shiri
said after an Israeli raid in Gaza killed fourteen people in October
2002, "If damage was caused to innocent civilians, we can be sorry,
but what can you do? This is war."(12) The Palestinians have
demonstrated their ability to resist Israeli moves, yet there can be
no doubt about Israel's overwhelming military power. In another 55
years, will scholars describe the expulsion of the Palestinians from
the remaining 22 percent of historical Palestine as a lamentable yet
understandable product of the twin wars in Israel-Palestine and Iraq?
Where Is There?
Shortly after the conclusion of the 1948 war, the new Israeli
government briefly considered denying citizenship to Palestinians
living within the state's borders. In the end, the government
decided not to risk international opprobrium by apportioning
citizenship along ethnic lines. Yet as a Jewish state, Israel did
not grant its Palestinian citizens full rights, subjecting them
instead to nearly twenty years of military rule. Fifty years later,
there are once again voices clamoring for a pure Jewish state
without Arab citizens.
Transfer as an official political platform dates to 1986, when
Rehevam Ze'evi began drafting plans for the founding of Moledet.
Ze'evi took care to note his differences with Meir Kahane's Kach
Party, which sought the unilateral expulsion of all Palestinians
west of the Jordan River. By contrast, Ze'evi specified that he
sought "transfer by agreement," that is, the exodus of Palestinians
within the framework of negotiations with Arab states. Of course, no
Arab government ever agreed to such an idea, nor did any Arab state
have the authority to terminate Palestinian claims to Palestine. But
the rhetoric of "agreement" served for Ze'evi, as for previous
generations of Zionists, as a convenient cover for the forcible
ejection of Palestinians: "I am not proposing to sit around and wait
until we reach transfer agreements in the framework of peace
agreements," he explained. Meanwhile, the Israeli government ought
to create "conditions of a negative magnet that will bring the Arab
population to prefer to emigrate."(13)
The Oslo accords appeared to represent a defeat for Ze'evi and the
extreme right, yet ironically, less than ten years later many on the
Israeli left have accepted a version of his hawkish ideas. For a
short period following the signing of the Declaration of Principles
in 1993, Palestinians and Israelis seemed to be inching toward peace
and reconciliation. Palestinian citizens of Israel were optimistic
that the agreement would normalize their position within Israeli
society. In 1994, Arab political parties for the first time played a
crucial role in supporting Yitzhak Rabin's government, Palestinian
towns were included for the first time in industrial planning, and
budget gaps between Palestinian and Jewish municipalities began to
decrease.
At the same time, however, Oslo forced Israeli Jews to confront the
question of Israel's national identity. The permanent state of
emergency that justified the co-presence of democracy and ethnocracy
threatened to evaporate. The hope for peace, combined with Israel's
neo-liberal economic realignment, convinced Israeli Jews to grant
Palestinians greater personal rights, yet Jews never relinquished
their conception of Israel as a Jewish state. Labor's 1992 campaign
slogan, "Us Here, Them There, Peace with Rabin," summed up the
Israeli understanding of Oslo. The slogan bore a striking
resemblance to that of Moledet in 1988, "We Are Here, They Are There
and Peace in Israel." As Ze'evi himself commented at the time, "The
only difference [between me and Rabin] is 'Where is there?'"
Exactly where Palestinian Israelis fit into the Oslo landscape was
at first unclear, but by the end of the 1990s, they had become a
primary target of Israeli demographers. Maintaining a Jewish state
necessitated a Jewish majority, and since the West Bank and Gaza
were slated to pass to some form of Palestinian self-rule,
the "demographic debate" increasingly addressed Israel proper. In
the words of Arnon Sofer, professor at the University of Haifa, "You
should remember that on the same day as the Israel Defense Forces is
investing efforts and succeeding in eliminating one terrorist or
another, on that very same day, as on every day of the year, within
the territories of western Israel, about 400 children are being
born, some of whom will become new suicide terrorists!"(14) A
December 2000 report published by the Institute of Policy and
Strategy at the Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya indicates that
in the clash between demography and democracy, the former has
clearly won out.(15) The institute regularly brings together top
figures in the security, academic, media and business establishments
to generate policy recommendations for Israeli's political
leadership; both Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon have availed themselves
of its expertise. The final report of the conference reflects the
Israeli establishment's acceptance of transfer as a policy option,
recommending that Palestinian Israelis be given the choice either to
confirm their second-class status in the Jewish state or to abandon
their Israeli citizenship. At the same time, the report recommended
that "Israelis who permanently reside abroad should be allowed to
participate in Israeli elections by absentee ballot." Pairing
Palestinian Israelis residing in their own homes with Israeli Jews
living in a foreign country further suggests how Palestinian
Israelis are seen as strangers in the own land.
The report of the mainstream Herzliya Conference closely mirrors
Moledet's "peace plan." In the spring of 2002, Benny Elon -- who
took over as head of the party following Ze'evi's assassination --
launched a campaign based on "transfer of rights." Palestinian
citizens of Israel who refused to declare their loyalty to Israel as
a Jewish state would be stripped of their citizenship and issued
citizenship in another country. Should Palestinian Israelis rebel
against these terms -- for instance, by demanding equality with Jews
in Israel -- they would be expelled to "their" state. Unlike Elon's
plan, the Herzliya participants endorsed a Palestinian state in the
West Bank, yet both plans recommend that Palestinian Israelis be
given the choice to leave Israel or accept permanent second-class
status.
On the supposedly opposite end of the political spectrum, the
Zionist left has its own version of the Herzliya Center and Elon
plans. Ephraim Sneh, the Labor Party's Minister of Transportation,
presented a plan in March 2002 to incorporate areas of the Little
Triangle into a future Palestinian state. Sneh's plan, like the
Herzliya and Elon plans, would effectively transfer Israel's
Palestinian citizens out of Israel without actually removing them
from their homes. This suggests that while Israelis might differ on
where to draw Israel's final border, the Zionist right, center and
left agree on the need to rid Israel of its Palestinian citizens.
Sneh's idea polls well among Israeli Jews, garnering 50-60 percent
support. Palestinian Israelis, who were never consulted about the
plan, evince less enthusiasm. In a recent poll, only 18 percent say
they would agree to live in a future Palestinian state.(16)
Other members of the Knesset have put forward their own transfer
plans. Avigdor Lieberman, head of the parliamentary faction "Israel
is Our Home," has proposed a "political arrangement" in which
Palestinians -- including Palestinian citizens of Israel -- would be
confined to three small enclaves. Calls for "voluntary transfer"
abound as well. MK Michael Kleiner, for instance, has proposed
offering immigration incentives to anyone who moves to an Arab
country and permanently relinquishes Israeli citizenship or
residency. "My proposal, unlike transfer, is not a racist proposal,"
claims Kleiner, "because it is not aimed only at Arabs. Any Jew who
wants to move to Morocco would be eligible for the emigration
incentive."(17) The Knesset legal adviser did not agree, dubbing his
proposal racist and recommending its disqualification.(18) Although
Kleiner's proposal to encourage immigration was new, efforts at
promoting voluntary transfer have been ongoing for years. Moledet
offers scholarships for study abroad to Palestinians who sign an
agreement never to return to Israel. Some Palestinian Israelis
report receiving phone calls from mysterious organizations, each
time with a different name, offering to facilitate immigration to
the US or elsewhere.
Transfer in the Urban Landscape
Popular Jewish support for ridding Israel of its Palestinian
citizens has altered the urban and national landscapes in Israel.
The campaign launched by Moledet in February 2002 has greatly
increased the public visibility of the party's message. Surfaces of
all kinds have been drafted in the service of the campaign: walls,
fences, traffic signs, dumpsters and bus stops proclaim "Kahane was
right" and "Expel the Arabs!" In summer 2002, tracks of posters
declaring that "Transfer = Security and Peace" appeared throughout
the country, even in cities such as Haifa that have a reputation for
relative tolerance. A second wave of posters soon joined the first,
announcing that "Jordan Is the Palestinian State." The government
did nothing to remove them, leading Haifa city council member Ayman
Awda to lodge a complaint with the mayor. Since the Attorney General
ruled illegal a previous set of posters that read "No Arabs, No
Attacks," Awda hoped that the recent posters might also be deemed
outside the law. Yet since the Attorney General earlier ruled that
calls for "voluntary transfer" are not illegal,(19) it is difficult
to hold out hope that the government will involve itself in removing
the posters. Showing that opposition in Israel is not completely
moribund, some posters have been defaced with "1941," thereby
equating transfer with Hitler's Final Solution. Others have been
creatively vandalized so as to make them read "Palestinian State =
Security and Peace." The lack of any organized effort to remove the
transfer posters, however, has made Israeli public space even more
inhospitable to Palestinians.
The articulation of racial concerns in the language of security is
hardly a new phenomenon in Israel, yet recently, urban space has
been racialized to an unprecedented degree. Ambulances have refused
to enter Palestinian villages in Israel, forcing the sick to meet
the ambulance in the closest Jewish area. The Israeli Chief of
Staff, Moshe Ya'alon, recently termed the Palestinian threat
a "cancerous" one that requires "chemotherapy," a characterization
subsequently endorsed by Ariel Sharon.(20) Jews defiantly state on
the op-ed pages that, fearing a bombing attack, they leave
restaurants rather than sit next to Arabs.(21) In Jerusalem's Old
City, the International Herald Tribune delivers only to the Jewish
Quarter. Residents of the city's other quarters, who comprise almost
90 percent of the Old City's population, do not have access to the
paper because, as one IHT representative phrased it, "we do not
control those areas." Arabs are not permitted to enter the Israeli
Ministry of the Interior unless accompanied by a security escort.
(22) Discrimination and incitement against Arabs accelerated after
the arrest of a number of East Jerusalem residents and Palestinian
Israelis on charges of planning and carrying out bombings in late
July and early August. "This Is Not New" and "The Truth Is No
Surprise" pronounced the two most popular Israeli dailies in the
wake of the arrests. The Hebrew media's judgment was widely echoed
among Jewish Israelis: "I used to think that Israeli Arabs were
different than Palestinians," commented one taxi driver, "but
they're all the same."
As the violence has grown more intense, Jewish racist sentiment has
been dissociated from any pretense of concern with security. As a
Palestinian resident of Ma'ilya remarked, "Transfer used to be the
solution to a particular problem, like the demographic problem. Now
the Jews want transfer because they want a pure state. That's what
they say on television: 'We want a clean state.' How is that
supposed to make me feel? That makes me feel dirty." Instances of
the "cleansing" of Palestinians from the Jewish urban fabric are
popping up everywhere. Dozens of Israeli firms have signed a pledge
not to employ Arabs. Offices of Palestinian professionals practicing
in Jewish towns have been destroyed, in some cases repeatedly, by
arson. Demonstrators in Safad, led by the city's chief rabbi, have
demanded the expulsion of Palestinian Israeli college students,
claiming that they "endanger the city's residents not only in terms
of security, but also morally."(23) Flyers have been distributed in
Haifa calling on Jewish citizens to boycott Arab businesses. In
Safad and Upper Nazareth, religious and city officials have urged
the Jewish population not to rent or sell apartments to
Palestinians. An educator in Tel Aviv refused to administer a
matriculation exam to the Palestinian students.(24) The Arabic press
carries regular reports about hate crimes against Palestinian
Israelis; the Hebrew press, by contrast, rarely addresses the issue.
The exclusion of Palestinians from Jewish space sometimes reaches
Jim Crow proportions, with Palestinians denied access to spaces and
businesses on the basis of accent and name. Examples overheard in
casual conversation: A Palestinian Israeli couple from the village
of Taybe waited to enter a club in Tel Aviv. As they approached the
door, the security guard engaged them in conversation. When the
guard heard their Palestinian accents, he turned them away,
claiming, "We're having a private party tonight, the club is
closed." A Palestinian Israeli woman from Jerusalem, who speaks
Hebrew with an Ashkenazi (European Jewish) accent, tried to make a
reservation in a hotel in Tel Aviv. The receptionist at first told
her there were plenty of rooms, but when she gave her name, the
receptionist's response changed: "I'm sorry, I made a mistake. We
have no rooms available that night." Another Palestinian Israeli
called to reserve a rental car, but was told there were none
available. Suspecting discrimination, he called a radio station to
complain. The Jewish radio host called the car company, broadcasting
the conversation on the air. She had no problem reserving a car.
On the Edge
The radio host's willingness to expose racial discrimination
indicates that Jewish Israelis do not favor segregation uniformly.
The Knesset has weighed in on this matter, passing a law in 2001
that explicitly criminalizes racial discrimination and mandates
stiff financial penalties for violations. Several institutions have
similar rules. The Egged bus company, for instance, prohibits its
drivers from refusing to pick up Arabs. Yet enforcement of these
regulations, at both the national and the institutional level, is
virtually non-existent, despite court cases that have reaffirmed the
illegality of discriminatory behavior. Pervasive, casual
discrimination has become an accepted facet of daily life in Israel,
no longer provoking outrage.
As a result, Palestinian Israelis feel as if they live, in the words
of a civil engineer from Ramleh, "'ala kaff al-'afrit (on the
edge)." Despite their status as Israeli citizens, their presence
seems temporary and unstable, like guests who have worn out the
welcome of their Jewish hosts. No Palestinians are safe from the
wrath of their Jewish compatriots. When MK Issam Makhoul criticized
the Interior Minister's decision to strip the citizenship of
Palestinian Israelis accused of planning bombings, MK Uri Ariel
replied: "If you continue like this, you [Palestinians] will wind up
with things much worse than the revocation of citizenship, you will
wind up with mass expulsions. If you don't stop this way of yours,
the Jewish majority will simply scatter you to the winds."(25)
Palestinian MKs find themselves under no less pressure than their
constituents. Several are under indictment for their outspoken
support for the intifada and their uncompromising calls for equality
with Jews in Israel. In addition, the Islamic Movement in Israel,
which represents about 20 percent of Palestinian Israelis, has been
targeted recently by Jewish lawmakers. If any of the major Arab
parties or politicians are declared illegal, Palestinians may
boycott the next Israelis elections en masse. This would amount
to "political transfer," leaving no avenue except mass action for
political expression. With Palestinian politicians under fire,
rampant calls for ethnic cleansing and the increasing segregation of
urban space, it is small wonder that many Palestinian Israelis
perceive transfer as an ongoing reality, not a mere possibility.
Author's Note Thanks to Shira Robinson for invaluable research
assistance.
Endnotes
1Associated Press, October 19, 2002.
2 Palestine Monitor, October 21, 2002.
3 Ha'aretz, April 9, 2002.
4 The complete poll can be found at
http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/memoranda/memo60.pdf.
5 Ha'aretz, March 19, 2002.
6 Ha'aretz, April 5, 2002.
7 Ha'aretz Musaf, September 2, 1988.
8 Ha'aretz Musaf, October 21, 1988.
9 Kol Ha'ir, July 26, 2002.
10 Ha'aretz, June 19, 2002.
11 Ha'aretz, April 6, 2002.
12 Ha'aretz, October 7, 2002.
13 Ha'aretz, October 8, 2002.
14 Quoted in Ha'aretz, June 28, 2002.
15 The report has been excerpted in the Journal of Palestine Studies
31/3 (Autumn 2002).
16 Arab Association for Human Rights, Weekly Press Review 95,
October 9, 2002.
17 Ha'aretz, March 19, 2002.
18 Ha'aretz, 22 November 2001.
19 Ha'aretz, 24 June 2002.
20 Ari Shavit, "My Idea of Winning," Ha'aretz Magazine, August 30,
2002.
21 Ha'aretz, August 22, 2002.
22 Kol Ha'ir, August 30, 2002.
23 Kol Ha'ir, August 16, 2002.
24 Ha'aretz, June 23, 2002.
25 Ma'ariv, September 11, 2002. | |  | | Guest | | | | Guest | | Posted: Mon Dec 16, 2002 11:38 pm Post subject: Sharon's Wink |
| Haaretz (Haaretz is an Israeli newspaper)
Sharon's wink
By Uzi Benziman
In the early 1950s, soldiers in the 101 commando unit got themselves entangled in a fracas with the military police in Tiberias. One of the 101 soldiers was badly beaten by a few military policemen. The unit commander gathered his soldiers and they raided the military police compound; the 101 men punished the three military policemen who beat their comrade. The three were hospitalized. Together, the military police and the Jerusalem brigade, to which the 101 unit was attached, conducted an inquiry about the incident. Both sides demanded that all those involved in the melee be punished. Ariel Sharon, commander of the 101 unit, gave his soldiers a two-week holiday. When they returned, he lined them up for inspection, grinned, and said: "You have just completed your terms of suspension."
It could be that the 25-year-old Sharon who said one thing and did another is not the same as today's 74-year-old Sharon. It could be that the charismatic 101 unit commander, who made his soldiers his allies in a struggle against the security establishment, is not the same elderly statesman who sees things from his post in the Prime Minister's Office which he never noticed before. It could also be that the wile, the wink while you command style which characterized Sharon 50 years ago, has vanished and been replaced by seriousness and sincere behavior with colleagues. But, if this is the case, how is his decision to appoint Dan Meridor "head of the next government's policy planning team" to be interpreted?
Sharon has a policy plan, one which has been disclosed repeatedly in the past. Speaking just two weeks ago at the Herzliya conference, he sketched the plan again, and stressed its main element: adoption, in principle, of Bush's peace framework, as Israelis interpret it. He stated his demands: an absolute cessation of terror, violence and incitement on the Palestinian side, along with the implementation of fundamental reforms in the Palestinian Authority (including the eradication of Yasser Arafat's authority); the establishment of a new PA that will operate accountably, observe democratic norms and dismantle security organizations. At a later stage, once Palestinians have staged free elections, Israel will engage negotiations. In these talks, Israel will agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state with provisional borders that overlap "A" and "B" areas ("apart from essential security regions"); this state will be entirely demilitarized, and entry into it and its air space will be under Israeli control. As Sharon detailed it, passage from one stage to the other is not dictated by a timetable: Timing of the transition depends upon the extent to which the Palestinians comply with demands raised by the plan. As a final state, the sides will begin final-status talks.
The gullible could interpret Sharon's plan as a sign of measured progress, since it appears to accept the establishment of a Palestinian state. More careful commentators will note its numerous conditions and demands, and suspect the plan actually conceals a hidden design - to prolong Israel's occupation and derail the diplomatic process initiated by the U.S.
Dan Meridor has an entirely different political plan. He too has not kept his proposals a secret during the past year. Meridor believes an Israeli initiative bringing a rapid withdrawal from most of the territories would be a crucial step. He has concluded that the dream of a Greater Israel must be abandoned - if the Zionist dream is to be realized, Meridor believes, the state must focus its energy on the enhancement of security, economic well-being and good government norms within the 1967 borders (with some alteration incorporated in line with the settlement bloc idea which Ehud Barak developed at Camp David). If Meridor's plan cannot be advanced via negotiations, he favors its unilateral implementation.
How can Meridor's plan, whose details are well known to the prime minister, be squared with Sharon's proposals? This riddle can be solved by turning the interpretive key laden within his words to his 101 unit fighters 50 years ago: Sharon says one thing, and means something else. Meridor will serve as a useful trimming during the election campaign, and project an image of moderation, but in actual fact, Sharon (for the time being, at least) continues to think in terms destined to prolong the dispute with the Palestinians, not resolve it. | | | | Guest | | Posted: Mon Dec 23, 2002 7:31 am Post subject: American Academics Join Israeli Colleagues |
| American Academics Join Israeli Colleagues
In Warning Against Ethnic Cleansing
http://www.professorsofconscience.org/
We, American academics and intellectuals, applaud our courageous Israeli
colleagues for their recent letter [
http://www.professorsofconscience.org/israeli_letter.html ]warning of the
possibility of ethnic cleansing in Israel and the Occupied Territories. The
187 Israeli signatories express concern that the "fog of war" [against Iraq]
"could be exploited by the Israeli government to commit further crimes
against the Palestinian people, up to full- fledged ethnic cleansing."
The Israeli professors point out that: "The Israeli ruling coalition
includes parties that promote 'transfer' of the Palestinian population as a
solution to what they call 'the demographic problem'. Politicians are
regularly quoted in the media as suggesting forcible expulsion, most
recently MKs [members of the Israeli parliament] Michael Kleiner and Benny
Elon, as reported on Yediot Ahronot website on September 19, 2002. In a
recent interview in Israeli daily Ha'aretz, Chief of Staff Moshe Ya'alon
described the Palestinians as a 'cancerous manifestation' and equated the
military actions in the Occupied Territories with 'chemotherapy', suggesting
that more radical 'treatment' may be necessary. Prime Minister Sharon has
backed this 'assessment of reality'. Escalating racist demagoguery
concerning the Palestinian citizens of Israel may indicate the scope of the
crimes that are possibly being contemplated."
Benjamin Netanyahu, the newly appointed Israeli foreign minister, previously
advocated expelling Palestinians while the world was distracted with events
at Tiananmen Square.
We join with our Israeli colleagues in calling for vigilance as events
unfold in Israel and the Occupied Territories. With an average of more than
$10 million dollars per day of American tax dollars going to Israel, we
believe Americans cannot remain silent while crimes as abhorrent as ethnic
cleansing are being openly advocated.
We urge our government to communicate clearly to the government of Israel
that the expulsion of people according to race, religion or nationality
would constitute crimes against humanity and will not be tolerated.
Professor Joel Beinin, Stanford
Professor George Bisharat, UC Hastings
Professor Beshara Doumani, UC Berkeley
Professor James G. Ferguson, University of California, Irvine
Professor James Fujii, University of California, Irvine
Professor Zachary Lockman, New York University
Professor Liisa Malkki, University of California, Irvine
Professor Timothy Mitchell, New York University
Professor Glenn Morris, University of Colorado
Professor Gabi Piterberg, UC Los Angeles
Professor James Pope, Rutgers University, School of Law
Professor Glenn E. Robinson, Naval Postgraduate School
Professor Ted Swedenburg, University of Arkansas
Professor Anthony Thompson, New York University
Professor Judith Tucker, Georgetown University
Letter Against Expulsion of the Palestinians
Additional Signatories
Professor Rabab Abdulhadi, New York University
Professor Rula Abisaab, University of Akron, OH
Professor Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl, UC Los Angeles School of Law
Professor Margaret Abraham, Hofstra University
Professor Ervand Abrahamian, CUNY, Baruch College
Professor Janet Lippman Abu-Lughod, New School University
Professor Lila Abu-Lughod, Columbia University
Professor Lama Abu-Odeh, Georgetown Law Center
Professor Penelope Adair, University of Texas, Pan American
Lecturer Rutie Adler, UC Berkeley
Professor Aaron Ahuvia, University of Michigan, Dearborn
Professor Omofolabo Ajayi, University of Kansas
Professor Samer Alatout, Dartmouth College
Professor Ammiel Alcalay, Queens College; CUNY Graduate Center
Professor William M. Alexander, California Polytechnic State University
Professor Mahdi Alosh, Ohio State University
Professor Benjamin L. Alpers, University of Oklahoma
Professor Robert Alvarez, UC San Diego
Professor Vikram Amar, UC Hastings
Professor Camron Michael Amin, University of Michigan, Dearborn
Professor Elizabeth Ammons, Tufts University
Professor Deborah P. Amory, Purchase College SUNY
Professor Jeffrey S. Anastasi, Arizona State University West
Professor Peter B. Anderson, Ph.D., University of New Orleans-Lakefront
Campus
Professor Gil Anidjar, Columbia University
Professor Zehra F. Kabasakal Arat, SUNY, Purchase College
Professor Juan Manuel Arbona, Bryn Mawr College
Professor Carol Archie, M.D., School of Medicine, UC Los Angeles
Professor Stanley Aronowitz, CUNY Graduate Center
Professor Naseer Aruri, University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth
Professor Talal Asad, CUNY, Graduate Center
Professor Adrienne Asch, Wellesley College
Professor Dr. Robert Ashmore, Marquette University
Professor Peter Ashton, Harvard University
Professor Frank Askin, Rutgers University, School of Law
Professor Anna Held Audette, Southern Connecticut State University
Professor Arlene Avakian, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Professor Paola Bacchetta, UC Berkeley
Professor Mamoun M. Bader, Pennsylvania State
Professor John S. Baick, Western New England College
Professor Raymond William Baker, Trinity College
Professor Eric Bakovic, UC San Diego
Professor Mary Jo Bang, Washington University in St. Louis
Joe Barber, Trinity College, Director of Community Service & Civic
Engagement
Professor Pranab Bardhan, UC Berkeley
Professor Dr. Khalil Barhoum, Stanford
Professor Grace Baron, Wheaton College
Professor Valerie Barr, Hofstra University
Professor Laurent Bartholdi, UC Berkeley
Professor Frank Battaglia, CUNY, College of Staten Island
Professor Howard J. Baumgartel, University of Kansas
Professor Rosalyn Baxandall, SUNY, Old Westbury
Lecturer Dr. Hatem Bazian, UC Berkeley
Professor Michael Beard, University of North Dakota
Professor Phillip Beard, Ph.D., Sonoma State University
Professor Laleh Behbehanian, UC Berkeley
Professor Ali Behdad, UC Los Angeles
Professor Duran Bell, UC Irvine
Professor Giovanna Benadusi, University of South Florida
Professor Lourdes Beneria, Cornell University
Rev. Dr. Alan Bentz-Letts, Hofstra University and Queen's College (CUNY),
Protestant Chaplain
Professor Wesley Bergen, Wichita State University
Professor Victoria Bernal, UC Irvine
Professor Susan Bernofsky, Bard College
Professor Anne C. Bernstein, Wright Institute
Professor Donald L. Berry, Colgate University
Lecturer Jane Fair Bestor, Harvard University
Professor Ashutosh Bhagwat, UC Hastings
Professor Keith Bisharat, CSU, Sacramento
Elizabeth Bishop, American University in Cairo, Scholar Affiliate
Hisham Bizri, MIT Fellow/Artist-in-Residence
Professor Dr. Maylei Blackwell, Loyola Marymount University
Professor Debra J. Blake, University of Minnesota, Morris
Professor Judith R. Blau, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Professor Robert Blecher, University of Richmond
Professor Chana Boch, Mills College
Professor Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Texas A&M University
Professor Aubrey W. Bonnett, SUNY, Old Westbury
Professor Marilyn Booth, Brown University
Professor John Borneman, Princeton University
Professor Avram Bornstein, CUNY, John Jay
Professor Erica Bornstein, Stanford
Professor Richard Boswell, UC Hastings
Professor Philippe Bourgois, UC San Francisco
Professor Donna Lee Bowen, Brigham Young University
Professor Daniel Boyarin, UC Berkeley
Professor Francis A. Boyle, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Thomas Brackett, Colgate University
Professor Mary P. Brady, Cornell University
Professor Thomas A. Jr. Brady, UC Berkeley
Professor Lila Braine, Barnard College, Columbia
Professor Laurie A. Brand, University of Southern California
Professor Mark Lau Branson, Fuller Theological Seminary
Professor Howard Brick, Washington University in St. Louis
Professor Renate Bridenthal, CUNY, Brooklyn
Professor Karen Brodkin, UC Los Angeles
Professor Patricia P. Brodsky, University of Missouri
Professor Stephen Eric Bronner, Rutgers
Professor Ethel Brooks, Rutgers
Professor Nancy Brooks, University of Vermont
Professor Wendy Brown, UC Berkeley
Professor Mark Buchan, Princeton University
Professor J.F. Buckley, Ohio State University
Professor Paul Buhle, Brown University
Professor Michael Burawoy, UC Berkeley
Professor Edmund Burke, III, UC Santa Cruz
Professor David Burrell, University of Notre Dame
Professor Judith Butler, UC Berkeley
Professor Roger Byrne, UC Berkeley
Professor Erin G. Carlston, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Professor Claudia J. Carr, UC Berkeley
Professor Berenice A. Carroll, Purdue University
Professor Rand Carter, Hamilton College
Professor Dion Cautrell, Ohio State University, Mansfield
Professor Sally Charnow, Hofstra University
Professor Kumkum Chatterjee, Penn State University
Professor Kiren Aziz Chaudhry, UC Berkeley
Professor Ira Chernus, University of Colorado, Boulder
Professor Vivek Chibber, New York University
Professor Roger Chickering, Georgetown University
Professor Noam Chomsky, MIT
Professor Christina Civantos, University of Miami
Professor Richard Pierre Claude, University of Maryland
Professor Dan Clawson, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Professor Sydney Gurewitz Clemens, UC Davis
Professor James Clifford, UC Santa Cruz
Professor Lorraine Cohen, CUNY, LaGuardia Community College
Professor Deborah Cohler, San Francisco State University
Professor Benjamin N. Colby, University of California, Irvine
Professor Juan Cole, University of Michigan
Professor Elliott Colla, Brown University
Professor Ruth Berins Collier, UC Berkeley
Professor Ellizabeth Colson, UC Berkeley
Professor John Comaroff, University of Chicago
Professor M. Elaine Combs-Schilling, Columbia University
Professor John Connelly, UC Berkeley
Professor Miriam Cooke, Duke
Professor Gene Cooper, University of Southern California
Professor Patricia Cooper, University of Kentucky
Professor Robert J. Corber, Trinity College
Professor Sister Miriam Corcoran, SCN, Spalding University
Professor Gilles Corcos, UC Berkeley
Professor Suzanne Corkin, Ph.D., MIT
Professor Barbara Correll, Cornell University
Professor María Dolores Costa, California State University, Los Angeles
Professor Christoph Cox, Hampshire College
Professor Altha J. Cravey, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Professor Robert Creeley, SUNY, Buffalo
Professor Jonathan Crewe, Dartmouth College
Professor Walter H. Crockett, University of Kansas
Professor William K. Crowley, Sonoma State University
Professor Jennifer Culbert, Johns Hopkins University
Professor Bob Cunningham, University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Professor Kenneth M. Cuno, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Carlos Daganzo, UC Berkeley
Professor Deborah Dakin, Augustana College
Professor Ahmad Dallal, Stanford
Professor Aniruddha Das, Columbia University
Professor Lawrence Davidson, West Chester University
Professor Angela Y. Davis, UC Santa Cruz
Professor Mike Davis, University of California, Irvine
Professor Nicholas De Genova, Columbia
Professor Ben O. de Lumen, UC Berkeley
Professor Erika Derkas, Loyola Marymount University
Professor Michael C. Desch, University of Kentucky
Professor J. Paul Devlin, Oklahoma State University
Professor Adma d'Heurle, Mercy College
Mary L. Diaz, California State University, Los Angeles, Counselor, Student
Health Center
Professor Michael Dietler, University of Chicago
Professor Peter Dodd, American University of Beirut
Professor William Doering, Harvard University
Professor Frances E. Dolan, Miami University
Professor Corey Dolgon, Worcester State College
Professor Fred M. Donner, University of Chicago
Professor Ana Dopico, New York University
Professor Simon Doubleday, Hofstra University
Eleanor A. Doumato, Brown University, Visiting Scholar
Professor Al Dueck, Fuller Theological Seminary
Carolyn Duffey, Stanford Lecturer
Professor John Duffy, Harvard University
Professor Ian Duncan, UC Berkeley
Professor Stephen Duncombe, New York University
Professor Dr. Cliff DuRand, Morgan State University
Christine Dykgraaf, University of Arizona, Librarian
Professor Beva Eastman, William Mitchell College of Law
Professor Carolyn J. Eichner, University of South Florida
Professor Dr. Rabbi Susan L. Einbinder, Hebrew Union College
Professor Carolyn Eisenberg, Hofstra University
Professor Nadia Abu El-Haj, Barnard College, Columbia
Professor Mansour O. El-Kikhia, University of Texas, San Antonio
Professor Kate Ellis, Rutgers
Professor Joe E. Elmore, Earlham College
Professor Kim Elmore, University of Arizona
Professor Barbara Alpern Engel, University of Colorado, Boulder
Professor Susan Ervin-Tripp, UC Berkeley
Professor Arturo Escobar, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Professor Joseph W. Esherick, UC San Diego
Professor Adriana Estill, University of New Mexico
Professor Fred Evans, Duquesne University
Professor John H. Evans, UC San Diego
Professor Khaled Fahmy, New York University
Professor Suzanne Falck-Yi, Waldorf College
Professor Richard Falk, Princeton University
Professor Samuel Farber, CUNY, Brooklyn
Professor Mamdouh Farid, Hofstra University
Professor Janice Farnham, Weston Jesuit School of Theology
Professor Samih Farsoun, American University
Professor Munis D. Faruqui, University of Dayton
Mary C. Smith Fawzi, Harvard Medical School, Instructor
Professor Mary Ann Fay, American University of Sharjah
Professor Walter Feinberg, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Jerome Feldman, UC Berkeley
Professor Ann Ferguson, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Professor Kathy E. Ferguson, University of Hawai`I
Professor Kennan Ferguson, University of South Florida
Professor Johanna Fernandez, Trinity College
Lucy Ferriss, Trinity College, Writer-in-residence
Professor Norma Field, University of Chicago
Professor A. Beldon Fields, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Carter V. Findley, Ohio State University
Professor Norman G. Finkelstein, DePaul University, Chicago, IL
Professor Marcelo Fiorini, Hofstra University
Professor Berenice Fisher, New York University
Professor Ellen Fleischmann, University of Dayton
Professor Karen Flynn, Ph.D., University of Akron, OH
Professor Jerise Fogel, Marshall University
Professor Claudio Fogu, University of Southern California
Professor Barbara Foley, Rutgers University, Newark Campus
Professor Manzar Foroohar, California Polytechnic State University
Robert Francin, Rutgers University Law Librarian
Professor Geyla Frank, University of Southern California
Professor Judith Frank, Amherst College
Miriam Frank, New York University Master Teacher of Humanities
Professor Cynthia Franklin, University of Hawai`I
Professor Joe Franko, Mount San Antonio College
Professor Elliot M. Fratkin, Ph.D., Smith College
Professor Isabelle Freda, New York University
Professor Samuel Freeman, Ph.D., University of Texas-Pan American
Lecturer Peggy Friedman, Rutgers University
Professor Takashi Fujitani, UC San Diego
Professor William Fuller, Valdosta State University
Professor Christopher Fung, Hawai`i Pacific University
Professor Nanette Funk, CUNY, Brooklyn
Professor Nancy Gallagher, UC Santa Barbara
Professor Philip Gasper, Notre Dame de Namure University, CA
Professor Dr. Laura Gellott, University of Wisconsin, Parkside
Professor Irene Gendzier, Boston University
Professor Deborah J. Gerner, University of Kansas
Professor John Gerring, Boston University
Professor Marvin E. Gettleman, Brooklyn Polytechnic University
Professor Dr. Deborah Gewertz, Amherst College
Professor Jess Ghannam, UC San Francisco
Professor Alessandro Ghidini, M.D., Georgetown University Hospital
Professor John Gianvito, Boston University
Professor Jane W. Gibson, University of Kansas
Professor Paul Gilroy, Yale University
Professor Dr. Terri Ginsberg, CUNY
Professor Shai Ginsburg, Arizona State University
Professor Lori Ginzberg, Penn State University
Professor Saverio Giovacchini, University of Maryland
Professor Abbott Gleason, Brown University
Professor Arthur Glenberg, University of Wisconsin - Madison
Professor Sherna Berger Gluck, California State University, Long Beach
Professor David Theo Goldberg, UC Irvine
Professor W. L. Goldfrank, UC Santa Cruz
Professor Bluma Goldstein, UC Berkeley
Professor Lisa Sanchez Gonzalez, University of Texas, Austin
Professor Jeff Goodwin, New York University
Professor Avery F. Gordon, UC Santa Barbara
Professor Deborah A. Gordon, Wichita State University
Professor Linda Gordon, New York University
Professor Margaret S. Gordon, University of Kansas
Professor Matthew S. Gordon, Miami University
Professor Robert J. Gordon, University of Vermont
Professor Paula Gottlieb, University of Wisconsin - Madison
Professor Yerah Gover, Ph.D., Queen's College, CUNY
Professor John Grady, Wheaton College
Professor Jonathan Graubart, San Diego State University
Professor Karen B. Graubart, Cornell University
Professor David Green, Ph.D., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Jody Greene, UC Santa Cruz
Professor Virginie Greene, Harvard University
Professor Inderpal Grewal, UC Irvine
Professor Charles Gross, Princeton University
Professor Erich S. Gruen, UC Berkeley
Professor Beatrice Gruendler, Yale University
Professor A. Tom Grunfeld, SUNY, Empire State College
Professor Ed Guerrero, New York University
Professor Hugh Gusterson, MIT
Professor Dimitri Gutas, Yale University
Professor Andrew Paul Gutierrez, UC Berkeley
Professor Matthew C. Gutmann, Brown University
Professor William W. Hagen, UC Davis
Professor Dr. Elaine C. Hagopian, Simmons College, Boston, MA
Professor Peter Haidu, UC Los Angeles
Research Associate & Lecturer Chad Haines, University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill
Professor Lisa (Dr.) Hajjar, UC Santa Barbara
Professor Sondra Hale, UC Los Angeles
Professor Saul Halfon, Virginia Tech
Professor B. Welling Hall, Earlham College
Professor Cheryl Hall, University of South Florida
Professor Homer J. Hall, Rutgers
Professor Morris Halle, MIT
Professor Nora Hamilton, University of Southern California
Professor Hannibal Hamlin, Ohio State University
Professor Deborah Hammond, Sonoma State University
Professor Deborah Hammond, Sonoma State University
Professor Kenneth W. Harrow, Michigan State University
Professor Gillian Hart, UC Berkeley
Professor Laurie Hart, Haverford College
Professor Betsy Hartmann, Hampshire College
Professor Frances S. Hasso, Oberlin College
Professor Carl R. Hausman, Penn State University
Professor Clement Hawes, Penn State University
Professor Douglas Haynes, Dartmouth College
Professor Hamid Hefazi, California State University, Long Beach
Professor Eglal Henein, Tufts University
Professor Jane Henrici, University of Memphis
Professor Clement M. Henry, University of Texas, Austin
Professor Gail Hershatter, UC Santa Cruz
Lecturer Jim Hess, UC Irvine
Professor Carla Hesse, UC Berkeley
Professor Bill Ong Hing, UC Davis
Professor Charles Hirschkind, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Professor Thomas A. Hirschl, Cornell University
Professor Jerome R. Hoffman, UC Los Angeles
Professor Paul F. Hoffman, Harvard University
Lecturer Ann Holder, Harvard University
Professor Philip Holmes, Princeton University
Professor James Holstun, SUNY, Buffalo
Professor Gail Holst-Warhaft, Cornell University
Professor Young-sun Hong, SUNY, Stony Brook
Professor Kirk A. Hoppe, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Lecturer Doug Hostetter, Northwestern
Professor Dr. Zakir Husain, University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire
Professor Mahmood Ibrahim, Cal Poly Pomona
Professor John Inglis, University of Dayton
Professor Helen Ingram, UC Irvine
Professor Georgette Ioup, University of New Orleans
Professor Mary Jo Iozzio, Ph.D., Barry University
Professor Allen Isaacman, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Professor Christopher M. Isett, University of Minnesota
Professor David Isles, Tufts University
Maria Issah, Pace University, Diversity Coordinator
Professor Nancy W. Jabbra, Loyola Marymount University
Professor Jean E. Jackson, MIT
Professor Matthew Frye Jacobson, Yale University
Professor S. Rao Jammalamadaka, UC Santa Barbara
Professor Lucy Jarosz, University of Washington
Professor Robert Jensen, University of Texas, Austin
Professor Sut Jhally, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Professor David E. Johnson, SUNY at Buffalo
Professor Melissa Johnson, Southwestern University
Professor Charles H. Jones, Rutgers-Newark School of Law
Professor Stephen F. Jones, Mount Holyoke College
Professor Suad Joseph, UC Davis
Professor Priti Joshi, San Diego State University
Professor Jamil E. Jreisat, University of South Florida
Professor Ray Jureidini, American University of Beirut
Professor Djelal Kadir, Penn State University
Professor Al Kagan, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Claire Kahane, University at Bufallo
Professor Rachel Kahn-Hut, San Francisco State University
Professor Vasant Kaiwar, Duke
Professor Isgouhi Kaloshian, UC Riverside
Professor Louis Kampf, MIT
Professor Rhoda Kanaaneh, American University
Professor Nancy Kanwisher, MIT
Professor Tomis Kapitan, Northern Illinois University
Professor Amy Kaplan, University of Pennsylvania
Professor Brett Kaplan, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Caren Kaplan, UC Berkeley
Professor Larry Karp, UC Berkeley
Professor Resat Kasaba, University of Washington
Professor Sharryn Kasmir, Hofstra University
Professor Cindi Katz, CUNY, Graduate Center
Professor Suvir Kaul, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Melanie Kaye-Kantrowitz, Ph.D., CUNY, Queen's College Director of
Worker Eduction
Professor Evelyn Fox Keller, MIT
Professor Flora A. Keshgegian, Episcopal Theological Seminary of the
Southwest
Professor Caglar Keydar, SUNY, Binghamton
Professor Assaf Kfoury, Boston University
Professor As'ad Abu Khalil, CSU, Stanislaus
Noor-Aiman Khan, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Visiting
Instructor
Professor Dina Rizk Khoury, George Washington University
Professor Elaine H. Kim, UC Berkeley
Professor Thomas P. Kim, Scripps College
Professor Diane E. King, American University of Beirut
Lecturer Dr. Laurie King-Irani, University of Victoria (American citizen)
Professor Sharon Kinoshita, UC Santa Cruz
Peter Klosterman, UC San Francisco Postdoctoral Research Fellow
Professor Suzanne Klotz, California State University, Stanislaus
Professor Isabel F. Knight, Penn State University
Professor Dorinne Kondo, University of Southern California
Professor Claudia Koonz, Duke
Professor James S. Koopman, University of Michigan
Professor Kristin Koptiuch, Arizona State University West
Karl Korinek, Columbia University Technician, Center for Neurobiology and
Biology
Lecturer Dennis Kortheuer, California State University, Long Beach
Professor J. Victor Koschman, Cornell University
Professor John Kramer, Sonoma State University
Professor John Kramer, Sonoma State University
Professor Neal Kroll, UC Davis
Professor Chana Kronfeld, UC Berkeley
Professor Julian Kunnie, University of Arizona
Professor Julian Kunnie, University of Arizona
Professor Laura J. Kuo, Pomona College
Professor Jay Ladin, Reed College
Professor David Laibman, CUNY
Professor Diane Laison, Temple University
Professor Gary Laison, St. Joseph's University
Professor George Lakoff, UC Berkeley
Professor Vinay Lal, UC Los Angeles
Professor Daphne Lamothe, Rutgers
Professor Roger N. Lancaster, George Mason University
Professor Joan B. Landes, Penn State University
Professor Margaret Larkin, UC Berkeley
Professor Mehrene Larudee, University of Kansas
Professor Aldo Lauria-Santiago, College of the Holy Cross
Professor Jean Lave, UC Berkeley
Professor Bruce B. Lawrence, Duke
Professor Fred H. Lawson, Mills College
Professor A. Joseph Layon, University of Florida College of Medicine
Professor Mary N. Layoun, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Professor Bentley Layton, Yale University
Professor Evan Tsen Lee, UC Hastings
Professor James Kyung-Jin Lee, University of Texas, Austin
Professor Jennifer Leeman, George Mason University
Professor Dan Letwin, Penn State University
Professor Leon Letwin, UC Los Angeles School of Law
Dr. Les Levidow, Open University, UK (US citizen), Research Fellow
Professor Davdi I. Levine, UC Hastings
Professor Mark LeVine, University of California, Irvine
Professor Michael P. Levine, CUNY, Baruch College
Professor Richard Levins, Harvard School of Public Health
Professor Robert Lien, California State University, San Bernardino
Professor Catherine Liu, Bard College
Professor Joe Lockard, Arizona State University
Professor Ronald Loeffler, Carleton
Professor David Loewenstein, University of Wisconsin - Madison
Senior Lecturer Jennifer Loewenstein, University of Wisconsin - Madison
Professor Ania Loomba, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Wahneema Lubiano, Duke
Professor David Ludden, University of Pennsylvania
Professor Ian Lustick, University of Pennsylvania
Professor Catherine Lutz, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Professor Cecelia Lynch, University of California, Irvine
Professor David Lyons, Boston University
Professor Arthur MacEwan, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Tara Maddock, Ph.D., University of Kentucky, Postdoctoral Research Fellow
Professor Holly Maguigan, New York University School of Law
Professor Frances Maher, Wheaton College
Professor Malek Makki, Wayne State
Professor Harriet Malinowitz, Long Island University
Professor Betty Reid Mandell, Bridgewater State College
Professor Marvin Mandell, Curry College
Professor Gregory Maney, Hofstra University
Professor Robert W. Mann, MIT
Professor Jo Burr Margadant, Santa Clara University
Professor Ted W. Margadant, UC Davis
Professor Nabil Marshood, Hudson County Community College
Professor Sallie A. Marston, University of Arizona
Professor Elisa Martí-López, Northwestern
Professor J. Paul Martin, Columbia University
Professor Richard C. Martin, Emory University
Professor Judith G. Martin, SSJ, University of Dayton
Professor Dr. Joseph Martos, Spalding University
Professor Calvin Massey, UC Hastings
Professor J. Lorand Matory, Harvard
Professor Ugo Mattei, UC Hastings
Professor Diane Matza, Utica College
Professor Bill Maurer, UC Irvine
Professor Kristen Hill Mayer, San Diego State University
Professor Tamer Mayer, Middlebury
Professor Jamie Mayerfeld, University of Washington
Professor John Maynard, New York University
Professor Ernest McCarus, University of Michigan
Professor Thomas McClendon, Southwestern University
Professor John McDermott, SUNY, Old Westbury
Professor Robert W. McGee, Barry University
Professor David McMurray, Oregon State University
Professor Jim McNulty, Ohio State University
Professor John J. Mearsheimer, University of Chicago
Professor David Mednicoff, University of Massachusetts
Professor John Meloy, American University of Beirut
Professor Louis Mendoza, University of Texas, San Antonio
Professor Brinkley Messick, Columbia University
Professor Barbara Metcalf, UC Davis
Professor Naomi Mezey, Georgetown University Law Center
Professor Meredith W. Michaels, Smith College
Professor Scott Michaelsen, Michigan State University
Professor Ali Mili, New Jersey Institute of Technology
Professor Fatma Mili, Oakland University
Professor Toby Miller, New York University
Professor Will Miller, University of Vermont
Professor Glen Mimura, UC Irvine
Professor Kathy Miriam, University of New Hampshire
Professor Katharyne Mitchell, University of Washington
Professor Jay Mittenthal, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Professor Masao Miyoshi, UC San Diego
Professor Tania Modleski, University of Southern California
Professor Darrel Moellendorf, San Diego State University
Professor Fatemeh E. Moghadam, Hofstra University
Professor Helene Moglen, UC Santa Cruz
Professor Harvey Molotch, New York University
Professor Warren Montag, Occidental College
Professor Paul Montagna, CUNY, Brooklyn College & Graduate Center
Professor Catherine M. Mooney, Weston Jesuit School of Theology
Professor Donald Moore, UC Berkeley
Professor John Moore, UC San Diego
Professor Dan Moos, Rhode Island College
Professor Alfonso Morales, University of Texas, El Paso
Professor Martin J. Morand, Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Professor Jan Moreb, University of Florida
Professor Stephen Morris, UC Berkeley
Lecturer George B. III Moseley, Harvard University
Professor Claire G. Moses, University of Maryland
Professor Kurt Mosser, University of Dayton
Lecturer Eliana Moya-Raggio, University of Michigan
Behrooz Mozami, New York University, Visiting Scholar
Professor José Muñoz, New York University
Professor Nora Lester Murad, Bentley College
Professor Priscilla Murolo, Sarah Lawrence College
Professorial Lecturer Farouk Mustafa, University of Chicago
Professor Steven Nadler, University of Wisconsin - Madison
Professor Michael Nagler, UC Berkeley
Professor John M. Najemy, Cornell University
Professor Jamal R. Nassar, Illinois State University
Professor Riad Nasser, Fairleigh Dickinson University
Professor Mekhala Devi Natavar, Duke
Professor Marilyn Kleinberg Neimark, CUNY, Baruch College
Rhonda L. Neugebauer, UC Riverside Bibliographer
Professor Linda Nicholson, Washington University in St. Louis
Jon Nissenbaum, Massachusetts Eye and Ear Infirmary, Research Fellow
Professor Mary Nolan, New York University
Professor Roger Normand, Columbia School of International and Public
Affairs;
Center for Economic and Social Rights
Professor Andrew Norris, University of Pennsylvania
Professor Anne Norton, University of Pennsylvania
Dr. Theodore M. Norton, State College, PA, Independent Scholar
Professor Cecilia Novero, Penn State University
Professor Jeffrey B. Nugent, University of Southern California
Professor Thomas V. O'Brien, Ohio State University
Professor Anne O'Byrne, Hofstra University
Professor Ken Olum, Tufts University
Professor Aihwa Ong, UC Berkeley
Professor Nancy Ordover, CUNY, Queen's College
Professor Vincent Oria, New Jersey Institute of Technology
Professor Alicia Ostriker, Rutgers University
Professor Mohameden Ould-Mey, Indiana State University
Professor Ibrahim M. Oweiss, Georgetown University
Professor Benjamin B. Page, Quinnipiac University
Professor Charlotte Painter, San Francisco State University
Professor Ravi Arvind Palat, SUNY, Binghamton
Professor Leo Parascondola, CUNY on the Concourse
Professor Peter Paris, Princeton Theological Seminary
Professor Carole Pateman, UC Los Angeles
Professor Marcie J. Patton, Fairfield University
Lecturer Justin Paulson, UC Santa Cruz
Professor B. Juanelle Pearson, Spalding University
Lecturer Robert F. Peltier, Trinity College
Professor William Pencak, Penn State University
Professor Max Pepper, M.D., Ph.D., Tufts University School of Medicine
Professor Sofia Perez, Boston University
Professor Rafael Perez-Torres, UC Los Angeles
Professor Kenneth J. Perkins, University of South Carolina
Professor John Perry, Stanford
Professor Fred Pfeil, Trinity College
Professor Christopher Phelps, Ohio State University
Professor Fred L. Pincus, University of Maryland
Professor Cecile Pineda, San Diego State University
Lecturer Beatrice Pita, UC San Diego
Professor David K. Pitts, Wayne State
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Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/ | | | | Guest | | Posted: Mon Dec 23, 2002 10:49 am Post subject: Robert Fisk: Journalists Under Fire for Telling the Truth |
| Robert Fisk: Journalists Under Fire for Telling the Truth
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?story=362545 | | | | Guest | | Posted: Sat Dec 28, 2002 7:07 am Post subject: Sharon's War? |
| http://www.townhall.com/columnists/robertnovak/printrn20021226.shtml
Robert Novak
December 26, 2002
Sharon's war?
WASHINGTON -- Republican Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, having just returned from a week-long fact-finding trip to the Middle East, addressed the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations Dec. 16 and said out loud what is whispered on Capitol Hill: "The road to Arab-Israeli peace will not likely go through Baghdad, as some may claim." The "some" are led by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. In private conversation with Hagel and many other members of Congress, the former general leaves no doubt that the greatest U.S. assistance to Israel would be to overthrow Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime. That view is widely shared inside the Bush administration, and is a major reason why U.S. forces today are assembling for war. "Military force alone," Hagel told his Chicago audience, "will neither assure a democratic transition in Iraq, bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians, nor assure stability in the Middle East." Indeed, the senator returned from the Mideast more concerned than his prepared speech indicates. As the U.S. gets ready for war, its standing in Islam -- even among longtime allies -- stands low. Yet, the Bush administration has tied itself firmly to Gen. Sharon and his policies. Gen. Amran Mitzna, the new Labor Party leader challenging the heavily favored Sharon in the Jan. 28 election, is denied access to senior U.S. officials. In private conversation, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice has insisted that Hezbollah -- not al Qaeda -- is the world's most dangerous terrorist organization. How could that be, considering al Qaeda's global record of mass carnage? In truth, Hezbollah is the world's most dangerous terrorist organization from Israel's standpoint. While viciously anti-American in rhetoric, the Lebanon-based Hezbollah is focused on the destruction of Israel. "Outside this fight (against Israel), we have done nothing," Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, the organization's secretary general, said in a recent New York Times interview. Thus, Rice's comments suggest that the U.S. war against terrorism, accused of being Iraq-centric, actually is Israel-centric. That ties George W. Bush to Arik Sharon. The prime minister says astonishing things to U.S. visitors. He once rejected hope for negotiations, contending that Arabs and Jews will kill each other for a hundred years. More recently, he promised to put a Jewish settlement on top of any high ground. What is widely perceived as an indissoluble Bush-Sharon bond creates tension throughout Islam -- including Turkey, long a faithful U.S. ally and even longer a secularized state. A poll of Turks by Pew Global Attitudes released Dec. 4 shows 83 percent opposition to permission for U.S. use of bases in their country. Furthermore, a 53 percent Turkish majority asserted that the U.S. wants to oust Saddam Hussein as part of an anti-Muslim crusade rather than because he is a threat to peace. Turkish cooperation in the war must be approved by Turkey's newly elected parliament, consisting of about 90 percent new members with an Islamic party in a heavy majority. The parliament's mood did not improve when the European Union on Dec. 12 rebuffed both the Turkish and the U.S. governments by rejecting Turkey's application for membership. Abdullah Gul, the new prime minister, accused European leaders of "discrimination" and "prejudice" -- reflecting Islam's current view of the West. That is the background for an attack on Iraq by a coalition of English-speaking countries. "We should refrain from a rush to declare a 'material breach' because of the gaps in Iraq's 12,000-page document," Hagel advised in Chicago, calling on the U.S. to "marshal our own evidence." Nevertheless, Hagel's close associate, Secretary of State Colin Powell, declared a material breach three days after the senator's advice. Powell's uncharacteristic bellicosity may have been necessary for him to stay in the complicated game played within the Bush administration. Without Powell, President Bush may not have gone to Congress and the United Nations or delivered his masterful speech to the U.N. General Assembly. Day to day, only the secretary of state stands up to the forceful Vice President Dick Cheney. On balance, war with Iraq may not be inevitable but is highly probable. That it looks like Sharon's war disturbs Americans such as Chuck Hagel, who have no use for Saddam Hussein but worry about the background of an attack against him. | | | | Guest | | | | Guest | | Posted: Sat Jan 04, 2003 10:31 am Post subject: Return of Racist Zionist Elliott Abrams |
| The Return Of Elliott Abrams
Israel's Likud Scores Big With White House Appointment
Jim Lobe writes for Inter Press Service, an international newswire, and for Foreign Policy in Focus, a joint project of the Washington-based Institute for Policy Studies and the New Mexico-based Interhemispheric Resource Center.
Neo-conservative hawks in the administration of President George W. Bush have won a major battle against the State Department in the fight for control of United States Mideast policy with the surprise appointment of Iran-Contra figure Elliott Abrams to the region's top policy spot in the National Security Council (NSC).
The appointment, leaked to reporters by the White House, would for the first time place someone in a top Mideast policy spot who has publicly assailed the "land-for-peace" formula that has guided U.S. policy in the Arab-Israeli conflict since the 1967 war.
Abrams, who first came to national prominence as a controversial political appointee in the Reagan administration who later pleaded guilty to lying to Congress regarding the Iran-Contra scandal, has also opposed the Oslo peace process and called for Washington to "stand by Israel," rather than act as a neutral mediator between Israel and the Palestinians.
"Yet another American Likudnik is moving to a position where they control Washington's agenda in the Mideast," said Rashid Khalidi, a Mideast historian at the University of Chicago. "This is a tragedy for the Israeli and American people." Likud is the rightwing Israeli party headed by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
Currently the NSC staff chief for Democracy, Human Rights, and International Operations, Abrams will become Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director on the NSC for Southwest Asia, Near East and North African Affairs.
As such, he will be in charge of presenting policy papers and options for National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, whose own opinions have proven decisive in cases where the president receives conflicting views from hawks, represented by Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney, and the more-dovish Secretary of State, Colin Powell, who is often backed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the uniformed military. Rice, a Russia specialist, had no experience with Mideast issues until her current job. Abrams will replace Zalmay Khalilzad, a prominent foreign-policy strategist whose views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are considered much more neutral than Abrams'. Khalilzad succeeded Clinton holdover Bruce Reidel early last year but was quickly consumed with his native-borne Afghanistan after being named special envoy to the interim president, Hamid Karzai. Khalilzad will now become "ambassador-at-large for free Iraqis" and is expected to play a key role in sorting out internal conflicts among the Iraqi opposition.
Beloved by right-wingers who hail him as both a hero for his championship of the Nicaraguan contras during the 1980s, Abrams first gained prominence as a leading neo-conservative when he served as Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights in the early 1980s and then as Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs.
In both positions, he clashed frequently and angrily with mainstream church groups and human rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, who often accused him of covering up horrendous abuses committed by U.S.-backed governments, such as El Salvador and Guatemala, and rebel forces, such as the Contras and Angola's Unita, while, at the same time, exaggerating abuses by U.S. foes.
He was indicted by the Iran-Contra special prosecutor for giving false testimony about his role in illicitly raising money for the Contras but pleaded guilty to two lesser offenses of withholding information to Congress in order to avoid a trial and a possible jail term. He was pardoned by President George H.W. Bush along with a number of other Iran-Contra defendants in 1992.
His credibility for truth-telling was so low that at one point he was required to take an oath before testifying before Congressional committees. Most analysts here believe that he was given an NSC post by the new Bush administration because any other position would have required Senate confirmation.
After Reagan left office in 1989, Abrams, like a number of other prominent neo-conservatives, was not invited to serve in the Bush Sr. administration. Instead, he worked for a number of think tanks and eventually became head of the Ethics and Public Policy Center (EPPC) where he wrote widely on foreign-policy issues, including the Middle East, and the threats posed by U.S. secular society to Jewish identity. He also remained an integral part of the tight-knit neo-conservative foreign-policy community in Washington that revolved around one of his early mentors, Richard Perle and former UN Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI).
Then-House of Representatives Speaker Newt Gingrich furthered his public rehabilitation by appointing him to the new U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom in 1999 for which he also served as chairman in 2000-01. Muslim groups here have complained about his refusal to criticise Israeli practices in the occupied territories and Jerusalem, such as sealing off Muslim holy sites, as violations of religious freedom.
He is not known as an Arab-Israeli specialist but has long favoured Likud positions on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and even assailed former Likud Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu for caving into U.S. pressure to respect the Oslo peace process. Shortly after the outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifida at the end of September 2000, he criticised mainstream Jewish groups for calling for a resumption of peace talks between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, as well as a halt to the violence.
Like Perle, as well as Rumsfeld's civilian advisers like Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith and Cheney's top deputy, I. Lewis Libby, he has favoured a Mideast strategy based on the overwhelming military power of both the United States and Israel and on a military alliance between Israel and Turkey against hostile Arab states, particularly Syria and Iraq, in order to create a "broader strategic context" that would ensure whatever state might emerge on Palestinian territory would be friendly to United States and Israeli interests and that could force Syria to withdraw from Lebanon. He has long favoured forceful action to oust Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
He has accused Palestinian Authority leader Yassir Arafat of being an untrustworthy partner under the Oslo process and is believed to have used his previous NSC Democracy position to push for his ouster from power as part of a thorough reform process. That view, which was strongly backed by Rumsfeld and Cheney's offices, was eventually accepted by Bush last June, over strenuous objections by the State Department and senior aides for Bush's father, notably his former national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft.
In his new position, according to John Prados, a historian who has written about the National Security Council, Abrams should be in an excellent position to influence U.S. policy on the Mideast, particularly in "delaying and/or halting policy on the 'roadmap'" that is being developed by the "Quartet" -- the United States, European Union, Russia, and the United Nations -- on resuming political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
Indeed, it already appears that British hopes for a major meeting of the Quartet on the roadmap before the end of the year are fading quickly.
Abrams is expected to support Israel's recent requests both to put off discussion of the 'roadmap' until after Israel's elections at the end of next month and for some 14 billion dollars in military aid and loan guarantees to help the country cope with economic hard times.
Abrams' influence on policy is already clear. For the first time ever the Bush administration voted against a U.N. General Assembly resolution last week that called on Israel to repeal the Jerusalem law that declares that "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel."
In the past, Washington has abstained on the issue, insisting that the the status of Jerusalem must be determined by negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. Abrams has in the past assailed that vote, as well as Washington's refusal to recogize Jerusalem as Israel's capital, on the grounds that that such a position "tantalizes the Palestinians with the prospect of forcing the Jews to abandon Jerusalem."
As you might expect, Arab-Americans responded to the appointment with a mix of resignation and foreboding.
James Zogby, the director of the Arab-American Institute (AAI) here said Abrams' appointment sends "a very dangerous message to the Arab world" and adds to the "lock that the neo-con set now has on all the major instruments of decision-making except for the State Department."
Khalidi also pointed to Abrams' history as being less than forthcoming with information that may contradict his own views. "He will be yet another filter blocking reality from reaching the president," he said. | | | | Alpha | | Posted: Fri Jan 10, 2003 9:17 am Post subject: Transfer by any other name |
| http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/620/re4.htm
Transfer by any other name
Hebron has become a microcosm of the latest phase of the
Israel-Palestinian conflict -- a struggle between demography and
geography, writes Graham Usher
During curfew Hebron becomes a city in the air. Palestinian children
play on a sea of cup-shaped roofs that shore the mighty Ibrahimi mosque,
resting place to the Prophet Abraham and a contested site between Arab
and Jew in the West Bank city. Women sling buckets of bread from window
to window. Men smoke in arched doorways.
For most of the last two months, the streets have been given over to
their conquerors. On a square hosting a vast Jewish candelabra, decked
with Israeli flags, two women chat in the wintry sunshine. They are
among the 400 Jewish settlers in Hebron who live amid 130,000
Palestinians, guarded by 2,000 Israeli soldiers. During curfew, the
settlers are free to walk the streets of Hebron's Old City. The Old
City's 20,000 Palestinians are free to watch them from aerial domiciles
while the ground is pulled from under their feet.
On 15 November three Palestinian guerrillas from Islamic Jihad
killed nine soldiers and three Israeli security guards on a road that
links the Old City to the Kiryat Arba settlement that lies on its
outskirts. Speaking to army commanders the next day, Israel's Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon said Israel would "take advantage of the
opportunity" to "minimise the number of Palestinians living among the
Jewish settlers" in Hebron.
In practical terms this meant authorisation for establishing a new
territorial "corridor" joining Kiryat Arba to the Ibrahimi mosque. The
new road will be 1.7 kilometres-long, off-limits to the Palestinians and
fenced by two two-metre walls. The Palestinians say the corridor will
entail the destruction of 20 historic buildings, some dating from the
15th century, and the expropriation of 61 parcels of Palestinian-owned
land. The army says the "widened" road is needed for security and that
in any case the buildings are uninhabited ruins.
The homes are certainly ancient. But they are not empty. If the
destruction goes ahead, eight Palestinian families will lose their
properties, rendering 110 people homeless. 76-year-old Ahmad Jaber is
one of them. He lives with his 15 children and grandchildren in a
three-floor apartment on the edge of the new road. His home has so far
been spared a demolition order, though not an army observation post that
perches on the roof.
But he will lose the neighbouring ancestral buildings. One is hewn
from Hebron quarried stone with an arched gable and capped with a small
dome. Until recently his brother lived there. Today it serves as a
stable. In a darkened corner there is a sword relief, dating it from the
Ottoman period. "It saddens me to lose this," says Jaber. "It is erasing
our history. We are so close to the Ibrahimi mosque."
But he is more alarmed about what may happen in the aftermath. "What
if the settlers from Kiryat Arba decide to move in next door? What will
happen to us then? We will be forced to leave."
Such fears are real, says Khalid Qawasmi, head of Hebron's
Rehabilitation Committee (HRC). "The corridor between Kiryat Arba and
the Old City is an old plan of Sharon's. He first raised the idea in
1996. But it's only the first stage. He has also said he wants to
establish a new settlement along the route of the road. If this happens,
some 5,000 Palestinians could be displaced. That's the number of people
currently living in neighbourhoods on either side of the corridor."
Nor would such an exodus be unusual given the recent history of
Hebron. Qawasmi cites some figures.
In 1952, 10,000 Palestinians lived in the Old City. After years of
neglect by the Jordanian authorities, occupation by the Israeli army and
harassment by armed settlers, by 1996 the number had dwindled to 400,
with most moving north to Bethlehem, Jerusalem or Hebron's new city.
With the establishment of Palestinian Authority control over 80 per
cent of Hebron in 1997 the tide started to turn. In 2000, 2,500
Palestinians were again living in the Old City, drawn back into old
properties restored by the HRC with funds supplied by Arab and European
donors.
Since the Intifada began -- and especially since Israel's full re-
occupation of Hebron last year -- the tide has washed back again. In the
last 12 months the army has confiscated 14 Palestinian properties in the
Old City, shut down 500 shops and 500 Palestinians have again abandoned
100 homes. If the corridor is built, that stream could become a flood,
warns Qawasmi.
For many Palestinians and Israelis, Hebron is the microcosm of the
current phase of the Israel-Palestinian struggle. The settlers -- most
of them from the messianic Gush Emunim movement -- believe they have a
God-given right to establish a Jewish city on the land of their
Patriarchs. The Palestinians say Hebron has been a mainly Arab and
Muslim city for a thousand years and is in any case occupied territory
under international law. Israel has no claim of sovereignty there,
Biblical or otherwise.
But beneath the religious and national claims Hebron represents a
more existential contest, one fought between demography and geography.
The Palestinians clearly have the weight of numbers on their side and
believe they will see off the soldiers and settlers in the way they saw
off the Crusaders, the Ottomans and the British. But the settlers, armed
with a complicit government and army, believe they have the power of
geography. So long as the Jewish construction and Arab destruction
proceeds, they are convinced they can carve out a Jewish Hebron in the
heart of the Palestinian one.
Which will prevail -- the people or the land? The answer lies in the
air, says Qawasmi.
"It depends ultimately on the international community. But we have
first to encourage the Palestinians not to leave their homes. We know
Sharon cannot kick out 5,000 Palestinians in one go. But he can kick out
100 Palestinians today and another 100 in six months time. Then
Palestinians will start to leave on their own. We have to alert the
world that is the forcible transfer of a people against their will. It
might be slow, incremental and 'quiet', but it is still transfer".
Al-Ahram Weekly Online : 9 - 15 January 2003 (Issue No. 620)
Located at: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/620/re4.htm
West Bank and Gaza Emergency Relief Fund:
http://al-awda.org/wb_fund.htm
Write your elected representative today!:
http://congress.cfl-online.org
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Unless indicated otherwise, all statements posted represent the views of their authors and not necessarily those of Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition | | | | Guest | | Posted: Mon Jan 13, 2003 7:29 am Post subject: Transfer... |
| Forwarded Message:
Subj: [eFreePalestine] Transfer...
Date: 1/12/03 7:27:17 PM Pacific Standard Time
As I watched the Gaza Strip documentary, whereby the Palestinians living in Gaza and other parts of the West Bank were reduced to the age of the donkey and cart…I begin to fully understand that the process of transfer is not what people expect. It is NOT the dramatic pictures of Palestinians being loaded on buses and forced to march in the desert at gunpoint, but an entirely more sinister and much more subtle process. This process does not seek publicity or media attention. Like the erosion of the soil, so too goes this transfer. It is slow, methodical, and barely noticeable until it is too late…
Mike
"Transfer isn’t necessarily a dramatic moment, a moment when people are expelled and flee their towns or villages. It is not necessarily a planned and well-organized move with buses and trucks loaded with people, such as happened in Qalqilyah in 1967. Transfer is a deeper process, a creeping process that is hidden from view. […] The main component of the process is the gradual undermining of the infrastructure of the civilian Palestinian population’s lives in the territories: its continuing strangulation under closures and sieges that prevent people from getting to work or school, from receiving medical services, and from allowing the passage of water trucks and ambulances, which sends the Palestinians back to the age of donkey and cart. Taken together, these measures undermine the hold of the Palestinian population on its land." ( Gadi Algazi and Azmi Bdeir In Ha’aretz, 15.11.2002)
Mike..." A seed in the Fruit of Palestine"
http://www.pcwf.org/ The link to the website of Palestine Children's Welfare Fund
Click to buy Palestinian embroidery online, sponsor a Palestinian child ,buy a flag or a Kuffiya to feed one, or donate books for the children of the refugee camps and BirZeit University.
"Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity," ,Horace Mann " We can not educate for freedom with methods of slavery."Horace Mann
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