| Author | Message | | Guest | |  | | Guest | | Posted: Sun Sep 22, 2002 3:04 am Post subject: Israelis Stealing More Palestinian Land |
| Date: 9/21/02 5:50:05 PM Pacific Daylight Time
Sent from the Internet (Details)
You can find pictures of the events in this report at http://www.womenspeacepalestine.org/iwpsreports.htm
Three hundred Palestinian villagers held a peaceful demonstration at a tomato and cucumber farm on Friday in an area of rich agricultural lands slated by the Israeli Occupying Forces (IOF) for immediate seizure and destruction as part of its ‘walling in’ project. Despite risking military arrest simply for attending, farmers from villages in the Tulkarem and Qalqilya regions of the Israeli occupied West Bank – all of which have lands that are similarly threatened - gathered in peace to pray, perhaps for the last time, before the bulldozers waiting at the settlement overlooking the valley begin their work. Friday’s demonstration was the second such event organized by villagers from the region since they were informed by the Israeli military of the planned seizures. Talking to journalists from Canada Channel 2, Al Jazeera and Ha’Aretz the mayors of each village compared the aerial maps and handwritten photocopied notices that were all they had been given by the Israeli Army in way of notice, and lamented the fact that, in many cases, the week they had been given to make an official complaint happened to coincide with an Israeli public holiday.
If you piece together the haphazard photocopies of lands to be seized, and add to that the effect of a 500 meter wide ‘military exclusion zone’ stretching away from the wall in to remaining Palestinian territory, the picture that emerges is that local Palestinians are facing the loss of nearly all of the region's 37 water wells along with over 80,000 dunams (one dunam is approximately a quarter of an acre) of fertile farmland. And that figure is not even counting the (also) Palestinian territory between the other side of the wall and the Green Line, a distance of up to 6 kilometres in places. Although the IOF claims that gates in the wall will be provided, none have been specified on any of the maps, and in any case, Palestinian farmers wanting to reach those lands will have to get an access permit from one of the nearby Israeli residential settlements in order not to risk being shot at for entering the 500 meter ‘no man’s land’. In the name of unspecified and vague “necessary security measures”, the IOF are in the process of capturing (conveniently) one of the most important agricultural areas in the whole of the Palestinian territories, which provides the West Bank with 40% of its fruit and vegetables. Meanwhile, with roadblocks across the entrance to nearly all the Palestinian villages in the region, the only trucks bringing fresh food to the territories on the normal roads are those delivering highly priced food from Israel, or in some cases produced in other Israeli settlements on land seized previously ‘for security reasons.’
In spite of the travel restrictions on Palestinians from the West Bank, the cost of a lawyer with a license to practice in Israeli courts and the short time allowed between their official notification of the seizure and the last date on which they can file an official complaint, Omar Sabhar, General Director, Ministry of Local Government in the Qalqilia District, Palestinian National Authority, 059-837-606/09-294-2989, told the IWPS that the mayors of many villagers still planned to try to get to court. Even those who have appointed a lawyer do not however harbor expectations of success, particularly as demarcation work, and some bulldozing has already gone ahead in Beit Amin, the site of Friday’s demonstration. Some villages believe that it is outright hopeless, they have experienced this before, in cases of previous seizure to build the residential settlements that now ring the area.
IWPS collected quite a few of the handwritten notes and maps that had been given to the villages and took digital photos of them. General Keflinsky had signed them. They are passing this information onto ARIJ in Bethlehem who intend to try to collate the information and superimpose it onto satellite pictures of the area so that everyone will be able to see the overall Israeli colonization plan. IWPS has been asked to travel to the villages to mark on the satellite maps the positions of markers and work that has already begun.
The red painted demarcation lines the IOF had drawn down the side of the greenhouses could be seen plainly at the site. These lines indicate the future position of the ‘wall’. Other red paint marks were on stones, rocks and buildings. Trees on the ‘line’ were marked with red plastic markers. A special area had already been cleared on the hillside nearby and two bulldozers were ready waiting with other equipment alongside the newly erected work-sheds. The farmers expected the imminent destruction of their greenhouses. Meanwhile, whether in futile defiance or out of love, they continue to tend and water their crops. As one man put it, ‘if you had a child that you know was going to die, you’d still give her water if she was thirsty.’
There was a great deal of anger, confusion and depression about the confiscations. Everyone knew it was nothing to do with ‘security’ but everything to do with ‘creating new facts on the ground’ i.e. taking more land for settlement expansion to make it much more difficult for the Palestinians to claim it as their own. No doubt the Israeli Authorities hope that after a few years the international community will ‘forget’ it was once Palestinian. A quiet spoken Palestinian addressed a sermon to the waiting crowd and then the call to prayer was answered in a moving demonstration of faith and nonviolent resistance.
After the prayer the farmers walked, with journalists in tow, to the neighboring community of Izbet Salman. As we climbed the hills we had an extensive view of the fertile valley which includes the Western Aquifer Area which supplies the primary irrigation and drinking water for the surrounding population. The region's economy is dependent on these wells and family farms, which have been under cultivation for generations.
As we walked into the village of Beit Amin we were shown ten houses which would be demolished for this ‘security’ wall. While just down the road the illegal settlement of Sha’arei Tikva, inside its’ wire fences seemed to look out unconcernedly at the tragedy being played out upon its nearest ‘neighbours’. How aware are its inhabitants that this is all being done in their name? – that they will reap the harvest of this theft?
Palestinian farmers stated that their only hope for holding onto their land is through international condemnation of the Israeli seizures. Please fax, call, email or write to the Israeli Embassy in your country to express your outrage at this callous dispossession of the Palestinians and send copies of your complaints to the press.
by Claire and Angie, IWPS | | | | Guest | | | | Guest | | | | Guest | | Posted: Mon Sep 23, 2002 4:46 am Post subject: Muddle East with its theatre of the absurd |
| http://argument.independent.co.uk/regular_columnists/bruce_anderson/story.jsp?story=335736
This is the Muddle East with its theatre of the absurd, enacted with tank rounds
We're a long way from even a distant prospect of peace. Threats abound in the interim, though in the midst of tragedy there is farce
Bruce Anderson
23 September 2002
This is the Muddle East with its theatre of the absurd, enacted with tank rounds
The stupidity of this very public humiliation
It just seems to go on and on, indefinitely, relentlessly, unstoppably: an endless cycle of suicide bombers, retaliation, funerals and wailing relatives. The Holy Land is an unholy mess. Yet there is a paradox. Though peace may be further away than ever, more potential consensus as to the nature of that peace is apparent than has ever been throughout the entire history of the state of Israel.
In Washington, London, Jerusalem, Amman – and in other Arab capitals when they are speaking in private – there is a surprising amount of agreement as to the broad outlines of a peace deal. The Palestinians must have a state more or less equal in area to the territories the Israelis overran in 1967, so that they can take their place among the nations. The Israelis must have secure borders, recognised as such by the new Palestinian state and by Israel's Arab neighbours.
That all sounds reasonable enough. But in the Muddle East, anything which sounds reasonable ought to arouse immediate suspicion. If it is reasonable, it will not be workable.
The problems are manifold. In the first place, any viable Palestinian state would require the evacuation of large numbers of Israeli settlers. That would neither be an easy nor a peaceful process. The settlers include some of the most extreme elements of Israeli society. Many of them are Jewish fundamentalists, who believe that they are in the West Bank by divine right, to ensure that Judaea and Samaria regain their rightful place as part of the promised land of Eretz Israel.
These characters are not going to go quietly. When the Israelis handed back the Sinai to Egypt, they also had to evacuate a small number of Jewish settlers. Though they were few in number, in a region to which Israel had no historic claims, the television pictures of their forcible removal caused a lot of pain in Israel. The West Bank settlers would be a far more formidable obstacle. Their eviction could impose a breaking strain on Israel's political system.
Not that the Israelis are the only problem. If a peace deal were made, the Palestinians would have to renounce any hope of recovering the land they lost in 1948. Many of them are still reluctant to do this. Even many non-militant Palestinians would view a peace deal on the West Bank and Gaza as a mere stage one, creating a launch pad for a campaign to reverse the injustices of the Balfour Declaration and the 1948 war.
Then there is the little question of Old Jerusalem, captured by the Israelis in 1967, and venerated by the Jews for millennia. Temple Mount symbolises the difficulty. Buried within it, the foundations of Solomon's Temple: at its crest, the domes of the great mosque. In Jerusalem, archaeology is politics, and bloodletting.
With the maximum resources of goodwill, there could be a complicated arrangement on Jerusalem, with both sides poring over the A-to-Z of the Old City in order to reach some just-about-acceptable compromise. But there is not enough goodwill. There have been far too many disappointments, and too much blood. Not nearly enough people on either side are prepared to respect the other lot's case or to regard those opposite them in negotiations as persons of equal moral worth.
All this has led many observers to conclude that peace will require an international dimension. A surprising number of people in the Middle East itself – world-weary Arab ministers, liberal-minded Israelis – also despair of an internally generated peace deal and their fervent, closet hope is that an American administration will simply impose peace.
This might seem a tempting prospect. But the nearer one gets to the realities of implementation, the more remote it seems, for it is flawed by a misleading assumption. Almost all Arabs – and continental Europeans – believe that Israel is America's creature and that if any administration were firm enough for long enough, the Israelis would come grumbling into line. This view is shared by a good few older-generation Israelis, increasingly out of sympathy with current Israeli public opinion.
But that is the problem. Israel has changed. The economy is stronger, and therefore less dependent on US aid, which before the recent troubles in any case amounted to only 3 per cent of GDP. Moreover, the control of Israeli society has now passed from the old Israeli Labour Party-Ashkenazi, founding-father elite to Jews from the Arab lands and Russian Jews. These tend to be deeply sceptical about the possibility of reaching any accommodation with the Arabs and much more inclined towards the view that "what we have, we hold". Nor are they as Washington-oriented as their predecessors. Though they would be reluctant to risk a breach with the US, they would not rush to do an American President's bidding. Faced with pressure, they would procrastinate, and manipulate.
The American political system could have been expressly designed to maximise the power of lobbies. Congressmen, constantly in search of votes, are constantly vulnerable to pressure. Only a brave or foolhardy congressman would dare to incur the wrath of the Israeli lobby. Even if there were no Jewish voters within 500 miles of his district, he would suddenly discover that all of his electoral opponents had bulging bankrolls.
This is not to say that all American Jewish voters support Mr Sharon. On the contrary: in recent years, there have been several occasions when the Jewish lobby has divided against itself. But if it were ever to feel that Israel's vital interests were threatened, it would unite in an instant. If a substantial majority of Israelis rejected a proposed American peace deal, the Israeli lobby in the US would deploy all its resources to fight against it.
This means, in effect, that America could never impose a peace deal unless there were considerable support for that deal within Israel. That would already be hard to achieve. For every Israeli in whom bloodshed has induced war-weariness, there are at least two in whom the bloodshed has only inflamed intransigence and the desire for yet tougher measures against Israel's murderous foes.
Nor is the bloodshed likely to diminish. Those who are orchestrating the suicide bombings are not doing so in order to protest against Israel's presence in the West Bank. Their protest is against Israel's presence. The nearer the region came to a peace deal which guaranteed Israel's boundaries, the harder Hamas would try to bomb that deal off the table. The overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq will hardly encourage them.
We are a long way from even a distant prospect of peace. In the interim, threats abound, though in the very midst of tragedy there is farce. The lengths to which the Israelis will go to blast Yasser Arafat's house around him while not actually killing him is the theatre of the absurd enacted with tank rounds. But there could easily be an error. The whole area is beset by error and by terror. So it will continue. | | | | Guest | | Posted: Wed Sep 25, 2002 11:04 pm Post subject: New Settlement in West Bank Formed |
| of course, this new settlement goes against un security council resolutions 242 and 338 and the mitchell plan as well, but the us/un double standard with israel's ongoing defiance of such is not addressed.... just like israel's non-compliance with paragraph 14 (which calls for a nuclear weapons-free zone in the middle east) of un security council resolution 687 against iraq.
it seems as if israel is pushing for the us to invade iraq (even if the un security council goes against such) so the un can go the way of the league of nations... that way, israel would not have to comply with any of the existing un security council resolutions... it is ironic for israel to be critical of the un when it was the un which created israel in the first place (back in 1n 1948).
Subj: New Settlement in West Bank Formed
Date: 9/25/02 2:17:10 PM Pacific Daylight Time
From: BGJDAVID
George Bush and his administration, including the most useless National Security Advisor of our times, Condoleezza Rice, never passes an opportunity to condemn the Palestinians for "senseless violence" or for other activities that oppose peace. Yet, when the violence comes from the Israelis there is silence in Washington, even when the "senseless violence" is some of the most serious of all activities that oppose peace -- the building of more illegal Jewish settlements. Our leaders tell us that the illegal construction of Jewish settlements on confiscated Palestinian land is probably the most serious threat to peace between the Arabs and Israelis but we never see Washington do much about it. We all know that the U.S. has the most powerful leverage to halt these continued illegal settlements . It's called foreign aid. We stop foreign aid to Israel and you'll see the last of the illegal construction, I can assure you of that. Nothing is more sensitive to the Israelis than the threat of a cut in foreign aid. So where is Mr. Bush? Where is Mr. Powell? Where is Miss Rice? Where is our supposedly "Ballanced Middle East Policy?" I'll tell you where it is. It's in the same place with the rest of our corrupt government. It's in the pockets of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee and in the pockets of the other Jewish interest groups. Folks, we have a goverment that's about as corrupt as I have ever seen it. We have a Jewish Double Standard that controls our government. We have a government that is destroying American standards and American morals and the American image. We no longer have the respect and admiration and the friendship of the Arab world or, for that matter, the rest of the world. When will Americans wake up and demand a halt to this Jewish Double Standard that is taking our nation down to the levels never seen before? The course of this journey must be changed and it must be changed now. It's not a course that can't be changed, if one looks ahead far enough, but it's like changing the course of a moving locomotive. We won't accomplish much by pushing on the side of the locomotive as it's going past, but if we get far enough ahead and move the tracks in front of the locomotive, we can change the direction in which it will go. Let's get started America.
New Settlement in West Bank Formed
By JASON KEYSER
.c The Associated Press
REHALIM, West Bank (AP) - Jewish settlers inaugurated a West Bank community Wednesday with speeches, music and cotton candy in a high-profile challenge to government promises to block new settlement on land Arabs see as part of an eventual Palestinian state.
``We won't let them take it. This is my home,'' Oshrat Aton, a 21-year-old student at nearby Ariel College, said at the celebration declaring a permanent settlement at the community formed 11 years ago.
Indicating at least unofficial government support, Deputy Internal Security Minister Gideon Ezra attended the ceremony and praised the settlers for their determination. ``We won't move from here,'' he said.
The ceremony establishing the community of Rehalim marked the first time that permanent houses were built in a settlement the government officially views as illegal, fueling Palestinian fears that Israel, despite its repeated denials, intends to establish new settlements in land they claim.
Palestinian Cabinet Minister Saeb Erekat said the Palestinian Authority would protest Rehalim's establishment to the United States and Europe, which have called on Israel to stop building settlements.
Until now, several dozen people have lived at Rehalim in trailers, as Jewish settlers do in dozens of makeshift outposts, many of them established over the past two years of armed conflict with the Palestinians.
The government has dismantled some of the outposts and promised to dismantle others - but the settlers here have been instead moving into permanent two-story homes.
Aton and her husband were the first to move into the new houses with red tile roofs and tan stucco facades. Five families moved into the new houses over the past three months, settlers said.
Rehalim in effect prevents expansion of the neighboring Palestinian village of Yatma. About 200,000 Jewish settlers live in West Bank communities that often block connections between areas where 2 million Arabs live.
``So what? This is my country,'' Aton said. ``I believe from God and what is written in the Torah that this is our country, so I don't want to give it to them.''
While no legal settlements have been established since 1998, settlers have continued to move into Arab-claimed land without much interference from the government, said Dror Etkes, an expert on settlements for the Israeli group Peace Now.
``This micro process of illegally setting up outposts happens every day in many places - 55 in the past year alone,'' Etkes said.
Nearly all those settlements are made up of trailers.
``The settlers are doing everything they can in order to prevent the possibility that at some time Israel will be able to withdraw from the heart of the West Bank and to allow the Palestinians to form some government,'' Etkes said.
Some residents insisted they had the government's blessing. The Defense Ministry, which at first said it did not know of the community, later said it had approved only an ``educational institution'' 11 years ago.
``Rehalim was never defined a settlement and there is no intention to approve it as such,'' the ministry said.
However, Nati Yisraeli, a spokesman for the Rehalim settlers, brushed off the ministry statement, saying: ``In reality, families live here.''
The Defense Ministry dismantled 11 outposts on June 30 and said it plans to remove dozens more. Jewish settlers say it is the Arabs who should go.
Rehalim, 25 miles north of Jerusalem near the Palestinian city of Nablus, is named for a mother of seven slain by Palestinian gunmen in 1991.
Like many past settlements, it began with tents and mobile homes. Construction of permanent homes began under former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and continued under the more moderate leadership of Ehud Barak, Yisraeli said.
Eighty people live in Rehalim, most in trailer-style housing units. They are protected by a small, sandbagged army outpost with machine guns, mortar launchers and reserve soldiers who scan the hills through binoculars and nightvision scopes.
The inauguration came amid two years of Israeli-Palestinian fighting that has killed 1,885 people on the Palestinian side and 619 on the Israeli side.
Lawmaker Benny Elon, speaking at the inauguration, vowed to protect the settlements.
``We will fight for every outpost that they want to take down. We will not compromise or concede on any outpost,'' Elon said. ``We can talk about dismantling refugee camps and transferring Arabs, but the Jews are here to stay.''
09/25/02 16:14 EDT | | | | Guest | | | | Guest | | Posted: Thu Sep 26, 2002 8:44 am Post subject: SOUTH AFRICAN BANTUSTANS ON OCCUPPIED TERRITORIES |
| [Henry Siegman, senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on
Foreign Relations in New York, wrote the following analysis for the
International Herald Tribune. His view, expressed in incisively
acerbic terms, is that the Sharon government is creating a situation
on the ground in which Israel ultimately will feel obliged (or
entitled) to resort to 'ethnic cleansing' of the Palestinians. The
sentiments in favor of Palestinian 'transfer' or 'thin[ing] out' (the
most recent euphemism for mass deportations, proposed on Israeli
television last week by General Eitan Ben Elyahu, the former head of
the Israeli Air Force) are on the rise in Israeli public discourse,
even though such views were considered well beyond the political pale
even by the Israeli right only a few years ago. At the same time,
the model of South African Bantustans becomes ever closer to the
reality in the Occupied Territories, where the Israeli government has
established de facto Palestinian enclaves without contiguity or
economic viability. These nonsovereign enclaves are surrounded by
regions of Israeli military control and Jewish-only settlements,
which Israel has continued to expand steadily. Siegman points out
that the creation of this political and demographic monstrosity has
been the work not only of the Sharon government, but also of its
Labor allies, particularly Shimon Peres, who have traded on their
international repute for the sake of maintaining a thin margin of
power. They and the Israeli right are responsible for policies,
including the increasing likelihood of Palestinian expulsions, that
appear to doom the region to a future of endless strife. --LS]
<<http://www.iht.com/ihtsearch.php?id=71634&owner=%28IHT%29&date=20020925151322
International Herald Tribune
Wednesday, September 25, 2002
Sharon's real purpose is to create foreigners
By Henry Siegman (IHT)
Palestinian suicide bombings that target Israeli civilians are a
moral obscenity. But the sensibility of those in Israel who seek to
exploit this Palestinian obscenity to extend and deepen Israel's hold
on the territories, a situation that in the end can only lead to the
expulsion of most Palestinians and the permanent subjugation of those
who remain, is also obscene.
Is there a justification for an Israeli policy that remains fixated
on detestation of Yasser Arafat and deliberately ignores major
changes within Fatah and the Palestinian population, withholding any
action that might help these constructive forces achieve dominance?
In fact, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has resorted to measures that
undercut Palestinians who seek to abandon violence and resume a
political dialogue. Not so long ago, Sharon demanded seven days of
quiet before returning to a political process. Six weeks of
Palestinian quiet - a period also marked by an unprecedented
Palestinian debate about the immorality and political bankruptcy of
Palestinian terrorism - elicited not a single Israeli move away from
its reliance on overwhelming military suppression.
The brutal curfews and closings remained unchanged. Indeed, during
this period the Isreali Defense Forces killed 75 Palestinians, most
of them civilians, including children. Even more tellingly, Sharon
chose this particular moment to announce his designation of Effie
Eitam, the most outspoken advocate of the expulsion of Palestinians
from the West Bank, to take charge of Israel's settlements program.
It is difficult to imagine a move better calculated to discredit
Palestinians seeking to repudiate Hamas and Islamic Jihad and end the
violence. No one has better captured Sharon's real intentions than
Avi Primor, a former deputy director of the Israeli Foreign Ministry
and now a vice president of Tel Aviv University. In an essay in the
Sept. 18 issue of Ha'aretz entitled "Sharon's South African
Strategy," Primor notes that it serves Sharon's purposes to be
accused of lacking an overall strategy. It provides him with a cover.
Primor recalls that in the 1970s and 1980s, the top echelon of
Israel's security establishment sympathized with efforts of the white
South African regime to solve its demographic problem by creating
Bantustans for the black majority, which they called "independent
states."
All blacks living outside these fictitious states were arbitrarily
assigned citizenship in those states, turning them into foreign
residents in their own land. According to Primor, it is a model that
supporters of Israel's settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza
find attractive. Without the United States or even the Europeans
taking much notice, and while the quartet that also includes the
United Nations and Russia is distracted by fanciful plans for
Palestinian statehood, Sharon is proceeding with the establishment of
a "Palestinian state" limited to the Palestinian cities -
nonsovereign enclaves without any political or economic viability.
"According to this plan," writes Primor, "the West Bank and Gaza
remain in Israeli hands and their Palestinian residents are turned
into 'citizens' of a 'foreign country.'"
On Friday, General Eitan Ben Elyahu, the former head of the Israeli
Air Force, declared on Israeli television that "eventually we will
have to thin out the number of Palestinians living in the
territories," enriching Israel's political lexicon with another
euphemism for ethnic cleansing.
When in February of 1991 the then prime minister, Yitzhak Shamir,
invited Rehavam Ze'evi, the head of Moledet, at the time the only
Israeli political party advocating the ethnic cleansing of
Palestinians, to join his government, one member of the Israeli
Parliament issued the following "J'accuse":
"The transfer party's joining the government is a profound political,
moral and social stain on Israel. Anyone who includes such a party in
the coalition is in effect confirming UN resolutions that declare
Zionism to be racism."
The author was Benjamin Begin, the Likud "prince" and son of Menachem
Begin. It is a measure of the political extremism and moral
obtuseness that now afflicts so many Israelis and friends of Israel
that this sentiment would today be dismissed as "Jewish self-hatred."
What accounts for Sharon's amazing success in implementing his
strategy? In part, it is the indifference of the masterminds of
America's new strategic thinking. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld,
in a recent press conference, dismissed the importance of Israeli
settlement activity and spoke of the "so-called" Israeli occupation.
In larger part, however, it is due to the cover provided by Shimon
Peres, Sharon's foreign minister, and Peres's Labor Party colleagues,
who have exploited their international credibility to provide
justifications for the policies of Sharon's government. Sharon's
understanding of their pathetic need to remain in the limelight has
turned them into full partners not only in the obliteration of the
Oslo accords but in paving the road for the eventual expulsion of the
Palestinian population.
Benjamin Begin understood in 1991 it is a road that leads to the
betrayal of Jewish and Zionist values and, worst of all, to the
impossibility of Israel's longer range survival in the region.
The writer is a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on
Foreign Relations in New York. He contributed this personal comment
to the International Herald Tribune.
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